Greece, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
10:09:37
Dear colleagues, the sitting is open.
I remind members that they should insert their badge before taking the floor. As you begin your speech, please press the microphone button once only, wait for 2 seconds and everything will go on smoothly.
Dear colleagues,
This morning the Agenda calls for the election of three judges to the European Court of Human Rights in respect of Austria, Finland and Serbia.
The list of candidates and biographical notices are to be found in Documents 15988, 15991 and 15985. The opinion of the Committee is presented in Document 16007 Addendum 2.
The voting will take place in the lobby of the Committee of Ministers by secret ballot.
At 12:05 p.m. I shall announce the closing of the poll.
Each political group has appointed a teller according to the rules. The tellers are:
Socialists, Democrats and Greens Group: Mr Cerni ESCALÉ
Group of the European People's Party: Mr Joseph O'REILLY
European Conservatives Group and Democratic Alliance: Mr Oleksii GONCHARENKO
Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe: Mr Alexander RYLE
Group of the Unified European Left: Mr Paul GAVAN
I remind them that they should go to the lobby of the Committee of Ministers when the ballot closes.
For these first ballots, an absolute majority of the votes is required.
I expect to announce the result of the election here in the Assembly chamber before the end of this morning’s sitting. If a second round is needed, this will take place this afternoon between 4:30 p.m. and 6:30 p.m.
I now declare the ballot open.
Greece, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
10:11:36
We now come to the joint debate on a report from the Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights titled "Legal and human rights aspects of the Russian Federation’s aggression against Ukraine", Document 15998, presented by Mr Davor Ivo STIER; a report from the Committee on Political Affairs and Democracy titled "The role of sanctions in countering the Russian Federation's war of aggression against Ukraine", Document 16000, presented by Ms Yelyzaveta YASKO; and the report from the Committee on Culture, Science, Education and Media titled "Countering the erasure of cultural identity in war and peace", Document 16003, presented by Ms Yevheniia KRAVCHUK.
This will be followed by a statement by Mr Michael O'FLAHERTY, Commissioner for Human Rights of the Council of Europe.
The debate must conclude by 1 p.m. and will continue this afternoon at 4:30 p.m. when we will hear the replies to the debate and consider the amendments tabled.
I now call Mr Davor Ivo STIER, rapporteur, to present the first report.
Dear Mr Davor Ivo STIER, as you know, you have 7 minutes now and 3 minutes at the end to reply to the debate.
You have the floor.
Thank you, Mister Chair, Mister Commissioner, dear colleagues,
This report is a follow-up report to Mr Damien COTTIER's last year report on the same topic, which led to the Assembly's Resolution 2482.
Tragically, the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine continues to cause every day death and destruction, as shown by the intensifying attacks on Kharkiv and eastern Ukraine.
According to President Zelenskyy, since the beginning of this June alone, Russia has used more than 2 400 guided aerial bombs against Ukraine, of these around 700 have been targeted at the Kharkiv region.
Over the last weekend, Russian forces struck Kharkiv twice, at least four people were killed, and more than 16 injured.
Many things have happened since Mr COTTIER's report was adopted in January 2023.
My report compiles all these developments, focusing on the actions that the Council of Europe and other actors have taken to ensure accountability for the Russian aggression: the Reykjavík Summit and the setting up of the Register of Damage for Ukraine, which is now operational and has started to receive claims; the consultations with the Core Group of states supporting the creation of a special tribunal for the crime of aggression against Ukraine in line with the Assembly's early calls to create such a tribunal already in April 2022: and the recent calls by our Assembly to use and repurpose the frozen Russian state assets for compensation of the damage costs to Ukraine.
The report also refers to numerous reports documenting the war crimes, the crimes against humanity, and possible genocide that have been and are being committed by Russia in Ukraine.
There is also a specific chapter on the role of the Wagner Group, which includes the latest developments since last year's failed mutiny and the death of Yevgeny Prigozhin. According to experts, Wagner's operations in Ukraine have now been subsumed by other Russian state and paramilitary units, including the Rosgvardiya or their National Guard.
The draft resolution deals with three main topics.
First, the special tribunal for the crime of aggression.
Second, other international crimes committed by Russia in a context of the aggression, including by the Wagner group.
And third, the compensation for the damage caused to Ukraine by the Russian aggression.
As regards the special tribunal on the crime of aggression, the draft resolution considers that the proposal that is being discussed within the Core Group for establishing the tribunal through an agreement between the Council of Europe and Ukraine is, at this stage, the best feasible option in terms of its legal basis and political legitimacy.
The creation of the tribunal would clearly fall within the mandate of the Council of Europe, as reflected in the statute and in accordance with the priorities set out in Reykjavík.
The resolution therefore calls on the Core Group to come to an agreement as soon as possible and on all member and observer states to support this option and participate in the final agreement, including in the large partial agreement that would support the tribunal.
The draft resolution includes some of the features that the tribunal should have in view of the Assembly, and I hope that the Core Group and the Committee of Ministers will take this into account when drafting the agreement and the statue of the tribunal.
This concerns among others the definition of the crime of aggression, its temporal jurisdiction, or the issue of personal immunities.
Mister Chair, let me also mention that the Core Group is meeting later this week in Bucharest and will examine some of these issues.
Our resolution today, hopefully adopted unanimously or by a very large majority, will send a strong signal of support to this process and express very clearly the expectations and demands that the Assembly has vis-à-vis our capitals.
With regard to the other international crimes committed in the context of aggression, the draft resolution welcomes the arrest warrants by the ICC and asks all states to enforce them and to continue supporting investigations by the ICC prosecutor and Ukrainian authorities.
It also invites the ICC prosecutor to examine possible allegations of genocide, not only in relation to the transfer of children, but more generally regarding the situation in Ukraine.
And in this regard this resolution takes a step further compared to our previous report and states that there is a growing body of evidence that the Russian Federation is attempting to commit genocide against the Ukrainian nation.
This is also in line with the conclusions of the report prepared by Ms Yevheniia KRAVCHUK for the Committee on Culture, Science, Education and Media.
When it comes to the compensation issue, and in line with the resolution adopted by the Assembly last April calling for support for the reconstruction of Ukraine, the drafts supports the confiscation and repurposing of Russian state assets for the compensation of the damage to Ukraine, and urges states to adopt legislative measures in this direction following the recent example of the United States.
It then calls again on states to establish an international compensation mechanism, which should include an International Claims Commission and International Compensation Fund to which the confiscated assets should be transferred.
In relation to the use of frozen Russian sovereign assets I welcome the recent political agreement by the G7 to provide 50 billion dollars of loans for Ukraine.
It's mostly for weapons and other urgent needs and using the interests from these assets.
Now, this should be seen as a measure which can complement, not substitute, our own proposal to use the frozen assets as such for the purposes of compensation.
Finally, a draft recommendation is also presented on the basis of the resolution calling on the Committee of Ministers to continue supporting Ukraine and working towards the full accountability, particularly through the setting up of the special tribunal and the conclusion of a bilateral agreement with Ukraine for this purpose.
This brutal and illegal war of aggression must end.
And peace must be based on justice for its victims.
The Council of Europe has undertaken key actions and initiatives for accountability, and our Assembly has often been at the forefront of these ideas. But it's time to see concrete results.
The perpetrators of these crimes, and first of all the Russian state leaders responsible for waging this war, including Mr Putin, must realise that their crimes will not go unpunished and that justice and international law will prevail.
Thank you
Greece, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
10:20:17
Thank you, Mister Davor Ivo STIER.
I now call Ms Yelyzaveta YASKO, rapporteur to the second report.
You have 7 minutes now and 3 minutes at the end to reply to the debate.
Dear Yelyzaveta, you have the floor.
Dear colleagues,
Let me start by congratulating my co-rapporteurs here, and others, but very important similar topics that we're discussing in one debate.
Different components of the crimes, legal consequences. What can we do to protect, to counter aggression, and to look deeply on the cultural identity level what the Russian aggression creates?
The Report on the role of sanctions in countering the Russian Federation's war of aggression against Ukraine is covering many important crucial issues.
For more than two years that have passed, we have thousands and thousands of crimes that Russia committed. Starting from the deportation of Ukrainian children, starting from illegally capturing civilians, dozens, hundreds, thousands of crimes in environmental damage. Destroying our flora and fauna. Destroying our infrastructure, energy. Destroying our lives. Destroying our industries. Destroying our ability to live in freedom, with the ability to hear the birds singing. Because very often, just all these attacks absolutely delete your ability to live and to breathe.
For us, this is absolutely survival mode.
When we hear the question, do sanctions work? Maybe we don't need sanctions.
For us it's very painful to hear, because sanctions is one of the tools that we actually have and is being imposed in a number of the sanction packages.
Yes, there are loopholes. There are problems with sanctions. But still, sanctions is the only one tool that is very effective in countering Russian aggression immediately.
In the first year of aggression, because of the sanctions, we managed to restrict Russian economy to run war against Ukraine. Which means to commit less crimes.
Yes, there are still thousands and millions of crimes, but still.
In this Report we cover a lot of important measures, such as for instance, freezing of the Russian state assets, imposing of individual targeted sanctions as well as introduction of an oil price cap and expert control measures.
Through these sanctions we are capable to directly impact Russian access to foreign currencies, to reduce the revenues that Russia gains from exporting its oil, and to impede that Russians can put their hands on critical materials, machineries, dual use goods, and the battlefield goods that they need to produce their deadly weapons used against Ukraine.
The number and the range of sanctions being imposed against Russia are unprecedented, making it right now the most sanctioned country around the world.
However, according to the study published this year by the Yermak-McFaul Group - International Working Group on Russian Sanctions and the Kyiv School of Economics Institute, we have the data that during the first 10 months of 2023, Russian imports from the Western countries of critical items for its military industry reached over 22 billion worth.
Almost 2 800 foreign companies have been found in the Russian weapons, which means that 95 of which are being produced by as many as 250 Western companies.
We cannot be certain of this number. We believe that the number is much higher.
In addition, Russia has managed to set up a shadow fleet composed of 300 to 600 old tankers sailing under different flags which allows them to trade its oil on international markets at the prices about the imposed cap. But there is a number of environmental terrible damages that these old tankers are imposing to all of us.
The Report is covering the importance of consideration of possibly closing or creating restrictive measures for those ports who still are open for this shadow fleet.
We need to make sure that Russia is not able to use this shadow of fleet.
Currently, there are also a number of loopholes and gaps that Russia is using through different channels.
One of the measures that we have to take collectively is making sure that the customs data banking is strengthened.
We need to make sure that financial restrictions are tightened. In particular, banning all Russian and Belarusian banks from accessing the SWIFT international payment messaging system, and enlarging the list of sanctioned individuals to include those responsible for the persecution of political prisoners that Russia is trying to kill.
The resolution has a call to the Council of Europe member states and non-member states to join the coalition of the countries that are imposing restrictive measures, and also to make sure that we have effective co-ordination tools to share information, to make sure that implementation of sanctions is happening, to make sure that the weapons production complex inside Russia is also sanctioned. That those who are absolutely directly committed to commit war crimes are responsible.
It also concerns the private sector.
No matter how many state measures we impose, we also need to call for the corporate responsibility of different companies. No Russia clause is not just the word, it should be the ethical code that no one should break. There should be criminal responsibility for those who break it.
Our Report is currently also having a number of amendments that we're going to discuss this afternoon, and I'm calling this Assembly to support a number of important amendments.
Thank you.
Greece, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
10:27:42
Thank you. Thank you, Madam YASKO.
I now call Ms Yevheniia KRAVCHUK, rapporteur, to present the third report.
As you know, you have 7 minutes now and 3 minutes at the end to reply to the debate.
Thank you, Chair.
Dear President, dear colleagues,
Thank you rapporteurs and thank you for organising this joint debate. It is very important for Ukraine.
I would probably be able to talk for hours, not 7 minutes about the contents of my report but I decided to take with me a little bit to explain how Russia is destroying our identity.
This is a book from Kharkiv from the publishing house VIVAT and the publishing house Faktor-Druk. They were attacked in May this year and I quote a witness, "Books were burning together with people who printed them. Seven people dead, 50 000 books burnt." Of course, it is just a tiny example.
And if we talk about cultural identity, cultural rights, the right to access culture and enjoyment of one's own cultural heritage, it forms part of international human rights law. And the Russian Federation is using cultural cleansing as a weapon of war, to deny the existence of Ukrainian culture, identity, to erase Ukrainian historical roots, values, heritage, literature, language and traditions.
In Ukraine, we say that we are experiencing a new Executed Renaissance of the 21st century. I'll explain how it works. Russians kill writers, destroy the book of this writer, and then say, "You never had literature. Take our literature and use it as your own".
And it's not about just killing hundreds of civilians, destroying critical civilian infrastructure, it's not just about kidnapping children, trying to steal our future, it's about stealing our past, it's about ruining those things which define us as Ukrainians, cutting roots from the tree.
Over one thousand cultural heritage objects were destroyed or damaged by the Russian Federation. At the same time, since 2014, up to 2 million museum objects were appropriated, were looted from Ukrainian museums and put into Russian museum collections. It's one-fifth of the remaining objects that we do still have in Ukrainian museums.
The historic centres of Odesa and Lviv due to the shellings and recent destructions were placed on the UNESCO endangered list in September 2023. Mariupol is our pain. The world-famous drama theatre and Kuindzhi Art Museum had been completely destroyed and paintings of Kuindzhi and Aivazovsky were looted. Hundreds of museums and works of art in Kyiv, Chernihiv, Kharkiv and Kherson regions have been destroyed. Illegal excavations in the occupied Crimea since 2014 were carried out by employees of the Russian Academy of Science Institute of Archaeology and the Hermitage Museum.
Chersonese, Bakhchysarai Palace and the ancient Greek burial mound and many other unique sites will never be seen in their recognised form.
Russia has not abandoned its imperial habits presenting the monuments found in Ukraine's Russia, particularly to a foreign audience. They also use this argument for historical rights to Ukrainian territories. And at the same time, they are demolishing the remembrance sites of Holodomor and destroying and taking out the archives.
The Hermitage and the Tretyakov Gallery keep and exhibit thousands of stolen works of art from Ukraine as their own native Russian.
Russian attacks also destroyed many libraries and work to destroy everything Ukrainian is deliberately carried out on the occupied territories. Renaming of the cities, villages, other administrative units, changing Ukrainian road sign, streets into Russian ones, requiring cultural events and expression at schools, universities and local history museums to reflect Russian history and narratives. Occupying forces have replaced these books with Russian books which teach students that Russia is their homeland and deny their Ukrainian identity.
This policy will continue until the Ukrainian identity and hope is destroyed but we will prevent it and we will fight.
Dear friends, as I mentioned the Russian Federation is used in cultural cleansing as a weapon of war within its broader campaign of extreme violence. Such cultural erasure and the deliberate and systematic destruction or looting of cultural property amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity and also reveal together with the official rhetoric of the Russian Federation to justify its war of aggression, a specific genocidal intent to destroy the Ukrainian national group or at least part of it, notably through the destruction of Ukrainian identity and culture. It is part of the broader campaign of genocide being pursued by the Russian Federation against Ukraine and against the Ukrainian people.
And, of course, in my report, I talk about the legal response. We do have the Hague Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property and we have the Geneva Convention relative to the protection of civilian persons. But, of course, there are loopholes. We have to find legal ways to close them.
Of course, we need to strengthen respective domestic legal framework, and of course, we need to find a way to support Ukraine, to give some aid for reconstruction. I'm really pleased that, for the first time during the organisation of the recovery conference, this time in Berlin, there was a separate panel regarding cultural heritage. How we can rebuild it, how we can keep it, how we can protect it? And of course, the best way is to have some more patriot systems, I would say, to protect not just people – cultural heritage – but everything in Ukraine.
To conclude, of course Russia wants to destroy us. Of course they want to kill us physically. of course, they want to erase that we are Ukrainians. That's why they did what they did with the children that were taken to Russia. They changed their birth certificates. They changed their names and they forbid to call them Ukrainians. But we will win, we will fight and we will win because, you know what is the name of this book from Kharkiv? It says, "Fight, do not give up".
Thank you.
Greece, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
10:34:47
Thank you. Thank you, dear Ms Yevheniia KRAVCHUK.
I would now like to welcome Mr Michael O'FLAHERTY, Commissioner for Human Rights of the Council of Europe.
Before I give you the floor, I would like to say that this is his first speech in front of the Assembly that elected Mr O'FLAHERTY, and I would add that he had visited Ukraine many times even before he was elected and after as far as I know.
Mister O'FLAHERTY, you have the floor for 5 minutes.
Commissioner for Human Rights of the Council of Europe
10:35:17
President, thank you.
Honourable members,
It's a great pleasure, it's an honour to be here. I thank you for the trust you've invested in me.
Ukraine is my top priority standing up for the human rights of its people. It's for that reason it was the first country I visited when I took up my mandate in April.
I have five preoccupations right now which in large part echo the words of the rapporteurs. The first has to do with the children relocated, taken to Russia. We have got to keep the situation, the plight of these children at the very top of our international political agendas while, of course, welcoming all the efforts currently being taken at the behest of the Ukrainian authorities.
Secondly, we must not forget the situation of people living in the temporarily occupied territories. The human rights situation is deplorable. It was well captured in a recent report of the United Nations. We have journalists here today in Strasbourg who have spoken about the plight of journalists in the occupied territories. As we keep our attention, let's not forget Crimea, already occupied for a number of years, and remember the particular situation of the Tatar people, who were the subject of an important report by my predecessor Ms Dunja Mijatović.
Third, we need to address the immediate humanitarian needs of Ukraine. They cannot wait for the end of conflict, so we need to find the resources and the capacity to rebuild schools and to provide housing for internally displaced persons.
Next, it is important as a rapporteur, say, to keep a strong focus on criminal accountability. I welcome the due ICC indictments. I also welcome the initiatives towards the development of a tribunal on the crime of aggression. For me, it doesn't matter what form it takes, where it's housed. My concern is to make sure that it respects human rights, above all the rights of victims and witnesses. I would strongly encourage Ukraine to speedily ratify the Rome Statute of the ICC. We must all keep an eye on the register of damages and the future compensation mechanisms to make sure that they are not just about reconstruction but they are about delivering victim-centered justice.
Fifth and finally, I would encourage that every effort be made to embed human rights in efforts and initiatives for peace and reconstruction. I welcome the outcomes of the recent conferences in Berlin and Lucerne. However, I would welcome a much more specific and explicit reference to human rights systems and institutions and standards indeed, because the explicit engagement of these elements will lead to our proof to be better and to more durable outcomes.
Mister President,
Honourable members,
Allow me to conclude there with an assurance that I will continue to pay high attention to the human rights of the people of Ukraine, and I look forward to doing so in a very close co-operation with this Assembly.
Thank you.
Greece, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
10:38:12
Thank you so much, Mister O'FLAHERTY, for your most interesting address.
We will have the opportunity to meet each other many times.
Let me take the opportunity to congratulate you once again and to wish you the best for your new duties, which you are aligned with in all your life, as I know. You were always serving human rights. You are always welcome in this Assembly, and we will be interested in listening to your views and, of course, to your experience from now on.
Dear colleagues,
The ballots for judges to the European Court of Human Rights are still open. Those who have not yet voted may still do so by going to the lobby of the Committee of Ministers. The vote will close five minutes after 12:00 p.m.
Now I open the debate.
The list of speakers. On behalf of the socialists, I call Mr Axel SCHÄFER.
Mister President,
Ladies and gentlemen,
The Group of the Party of European Socialists, Democrats and Greens supports these reports. They are important to us and it is a good tradition in this House that we successfully move forward along this path.
But this time it is something special - and that has to do with the dignity of our House. We have to admit our own mistakes at this point. It was also a mistake on the part of the majority of the Assembly here that we readmitted the Members of the Russian Federation. And that is part of what is most difficult in politics - admitting your own mistakes. And we admit these mistakes by speaking out and drawing consequences. And when we say it, we really have to emphasize once again what this is all about.
War is bad. But the issue here is the eradication of a country, the eradication of ethnicity, the eradication of history. And I say this quite clearly as a German; there is only one example in the last 100 years where something comparable has been attempted. On 1 September 1939, Hitler with Poland. That too is one of the very difficult truths today. And that is why these reports must serve to reassure ourselves, which is our task every day: in discussions, in exchanges - always critical and open, of course.
And that we take these reports as an obligation. We are the members of the national parliaments of the first and second chambers, who have come together here from 46 countries, that we should reflect this back to our own countries, which means our obligation to support the survival of Ukraine on a daily basis. That is what it is about. It is about the survival of Ukraine.
And let me also say this personally; my twin city of Bochum is Donetsk. I was one of the election observers there 20 years ago with Mr. Kimmo KILJUNEN during the Orange Revolution. And today, after 20 years, we are still in this parliament and fighting for the common cause - just like back then, but under completely different conditions today.
Let's do everything we can to ensure that Ukraine survives with these good reports. Thank you very much.
Greece, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
10:42:30
Thank you, Mister SCHÄFER.
One behalf of the Group of the European People's Party I call now Mr Emanuelis ZINGERIS.
Lithuania, EPP/CD, Spokesperson for the group
10:42:47
Today is a historical day for our Assembly. Finally, we are assembled here for this pre-Nuremberg trial, even not having victory against this most terrible aggression, against us, against Europe. It's not only aggression against Ukraine. It's an aggression against us, all of us. The word declared from Moscow is against our democratic system.
My colleague from the Social Democratic party just mentioned to all of you about eight years we struggled in this chamber to delete the Russian Delegation. Mr Petr TOLSTOI and Mr Leonid SLUTSKIY and others who said in front of me looking at Ms Kara-Murza, who was sitting here, they declared you will be in our jail, to Ms Kara-Murza, very soon, and you will be eliminated from Russian life.
First, they eliminated Russian democrats and killed them one by one. Second, they would like to annihilate neighbouring countries who possess democratic systems. Why did they invite Ukraine? While Ukraine possessed a democratic system and showed to the world that another life is possible even though part of Ukrainians are speaking Russian. That was a deadly danger for the Putin regime to see these Russian-speaking Ukrainians who are in connection with the enslaved, captive Russians in the Russian Federation. There the bacterial freedom, what they're so afraid of, were dangerous so that they make a decision to invade and kill Ukrainians. Well they are free, and they have free and fair elections. That is the reason when Mr Putin told Mr Viktor Yanukovych on 28 November 2018, when Lithuania during the Chairmanship of the European Union invited all of Ukraine to become a member in an associated agreement with the European Union. That was the key issue that Mr Putin made a call in front of all delegations and to Mr Yanukovych. "If you sign, you will be eliminated." For the association agreement with the European Union, it was not NATO. It was the Union.
In this case today we are celebrating. I'm so glad to see Ms Yevheniia KRAVCHUK and Ms Yelyzaveta YASKO and all the members of the Ukrainian delegation. The European Union just opened the negotiations about your future membership in the European Union. That is the answer to President Putin and will be from our side remembering what Martin Luther put up in front of the church all lists of the commitments of the new Reformed German Evangelic Church. The list of shame, Madam Yelyzaveta YASKO, the list of shame of all our firms, Lithuanian, Greek, I'm sorry, Italian, and others who are doing business with Russia and supplying the Russian military with supply elements. If you remember, President, at our Vilnius conference the biggest report was by the Lithuanian General Prosecutor. It was about the essence that the Russian FSB is taking on the hook our firms and making them agents of influence. So, the firms are not only avoiding sanctions or not only circumvening the sanctions, becoming a permanent system of agents of Russia.
From my point of view we should organise this open list of shame of all our firms who are contradicting the sanctions. You should be open.
Thank you.
Greece, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
10:47:10
Thank you, Emanuelis.
Thank you.
On behalf of the European Conservatives Group and Democratic Alliance, Mr Oleksii GONCHARENKO.
Ukraine, EC/DA, Spokesperson for the group
10:47:17
Thank you, dear Chair.
Let us have a serious talk.
Yes, the Russian Empire is a colossus on clay feet, but besides these clay feet, and the reason why they still exist, is that they have three pillars: gas, oil, steel.
This is the reality. And after more than two years of a full-scale invasion, after more than 10 years of war in Ukraine, what do we see from the point of view of sanctions?
In May, so last month, Russia became again the number one gas supplier to the European Union. More than the United States of America. Liquefied natural gas. And I want to remind you that Russia earns just from gas 100 billion dollars per year. And part of this, a big part, still comes from Europe. And the Russian military budget is almost the same number, a little bit more than 100 billion dollars.
For comparison, after two years of debates, finally European countries made a decision, G7 made a decision, that the dividends from Russian frozen assets will go to Ukraine. And the first tranche will be 1.4 billion. And Russia receives from gas 100 billion dollars. And we're saying: why does the war continue?
Let's go further. Steel. Russia's steel is sent to Europe. Now, not still, but semi-products: steel slabs, pig ore, iron ore. And they use it, and they are receiving billions of Euros from this. Just in December and November of last year 500 000 tons of steel slabs from Russia entered the European market. And, by the way, on very cheap prices, killing European metallurgical industry.
And then you're asking why Europe can't produce shells and tanks and everything needed to stop the aggressor. Because Russia is destroying the European metallurgical industry, spitting on any ecological norms in their country, not giving the possibility to support the ecology and the environment here, and destroying the industrial capacity of Europe. And it's still happening. Russian tycoons and oligarchs are still becoming more and more rich. And there are no tycoons in Russia, these are all different pockets of Putin.
Mr Lisin, the richest Russian man officially, so it means the deepest pocket of Putin, is not under sanctions anywhere. Why? Because he owns a small factory in Belgium.
And I spoke with the Belgian Prime Minister. He said, you know, 500 people work there, we can't do anything with this. I think Belgium can do with 500 people, let's help these people, but not let them be hostages of Putin and using them to continue this awful war. And still Mr Lisin is not under sanctions. So what should be done?
Russian gas should be completely banned here in Europe. Russian's steel should be completely banned. Russian's semi-products of steel, steel slabs, iron ore, pig ore, everything should be completely banned here, because now it's crazy. Russian is receiving this money and then from this money they finance terrorist attacks, sabotage in Berlin, killing in Salisbury, everywhere.
Are we crazy here? Or will we finally learn real lessons and stop this help?
Thank you.
Greece, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
10:50:58
Thank you, Oleksii.
On behalf of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe, Mr Damien COTTIER.
Switzerland, ALDE, Spokesperson for the group
10:51:07
Thank you, Mr Chairman.
The crime of aggression is the worst of all crimes, because it contains within it the catalyst for all the others. This is the observation our Assembly already made last year on the basis of the report I had the honour of presenting, and I thank Mr Davor Ivo STIER for referring to it and following up this important report.
As he mentioned, unfortunately, the situation has not improved: on the contrary, it has deteriorated, making it all the more necessary for the international community, and in particular the Council of Europe and its member countries, to take action.
I'd like to thank the three rapporteurs: we have three excellent, in-depth reports here. I have to admit that it's a bit of a challenge and a bit frustrating to talk about these three reports in 3 minutes, as they all deserve an in-depth debate.
As Mr Davor Ivo STIER reminded us, it's the importance of the various legal, juridical and international instruments that already exist, in particular the Register of Damage which has been created and which we must continue to promote and really put into effect. We also need to keep working, and from this point of view, his report is extremely strong and really gives the follow-up that's needed. We must continue to work on this ad hoc tribunal for the crime of aggression, which our Assembly was the first to call for and which must now be set up.
So, is the formula of a specific agreement between Ukraine and the Council of Europe and an enlarged partial agreement the best one? Maybe not, but it's the one that's realistic today, the one that's possible and that will enable us to move forward. I believe, on behalf of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe, that this is the way we should choose and give our full support to these efforts.
Why do I say "perhaps not the best way"? Because what we really need is a decision by the United Nations General Assembly. We need the broadest possible support. We're not there yet, but the resolution leaves this question open, with the possibility of further support from the General Assembly, and I think this is an excellent way forward. I congratulate the rapporteur on this.
I would like to express my pleasure at hearing the Commissioner for Human Rights today: thank you, Mr O'FLAHERTY, for being here. You made a commitment to have an ongoing dialogue with our Assembly, and things are happening. This is the second time we've had the opportunity to meet you this week, and I think it's really a new way of working that I'd like to welcome, and also in the context of this Ukrainian conflict that you've made your priority – and that's an excellent thing.
I am delighted that the new Secretary General we elected yesterday has also very clearly positioned, in his first statement, Ukraine as his top priority, and the mechanisms we are discussing today as avenues on which the whole of our institution will have to work hard.
I would also like to congratulate the other two rapporteurs, Ms Yelyzaveta YASKO and Ms Yevheniia KRAVCHUK, on their excellent report on the issue of sanctions and the use of frozen funds. We must obviously be very careful, on the legal question, to really have procedures that are unassailable because we are defending values here and we cannot trample them underfoot in the response to this aggression. States must be aware of this, and they are.
Mrs KRAVCHUK, what you say about cultural erasure is extremely important: there are already valid norms of international law, but they probably need to be developed. On behalf of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe, we will support your proposals.
Thank you very much.
Greece, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
10:54:32
Thank you, Mr Damien COTTIER.
On behalf of the Group of the Unified European Left, Mr Paul GAVAN.
You have the floor.
Thank you, Mr President.
I want to congratulate all three rapporteurs.
As the last speaker said, it's very difficult to actually respond to all three reports in just three minutes.
I'm probably going to focus on the the report on sanctions because I have a particular interest in that issue.
Just to be clear, first and foremost, Russia's war on Ukraine is a blatant breach of international law and a full-scale aggression of the Russian military against the people of Ukraine and it has to be condemned.
I believe in sanctions. I'm old enough to remember the sanctions that were proved effective against the old apartheid regime in South Africa many decades ago.
So sanctions are very important.
The European Union launched its 14th round of sanctions at this stage.
And yet we know – and other speakers have highlighted already – that there are, and the report highlights, the gaps and loopholes, very significant gaps and loopholes.
I suppose I'll start with my own country.
Our government has been very supportive of the Ukrainian people. But the Irish financial services centre is awash with billions of Russian money belonging to oligarchs.
Indeed, the head of the money laundering association in the department of finance has conceded that the laws we have are simply not effective, not effective. That money is still washing around, still going to the oligarchs.
We certainly need to really address this issue.
As Mr Oleksii GONCHARENKO said, there are huge gaps.
I mean, again, I could mention any country, but I suppose the one – and it's not particularly picking on Germany – but it is extraordinary to see how many German firms are still active in Russia: 63 German firms including Siemens, Bayer and Storck. Two of Germany's largest lenders, Commerznank and Deutsche Bank are active in Russia still.
Customs data indicated that 28 Maybach luxury cars made by German firm Mercedes-Benz entered into Belarus last year, most likely en route to Russia, according to Financial Times.
So sanctions have to be effective – that's the key message.
There are a number of recommendations in the reports all of which are worthy of consideration.
The view of the United European Left is that we must continue to support any and all actions against perpetrators of war crimes regardless of who they are, by imposing sanctions and using the multilateral institutions such as the International Criminal Court and the International Court of Justice as mechanisms to hold aggressors to account.
But here I have to come to the elephant in the room. The elephant is this.
We support sanctions 100% against Russia. But why is there no conversation about sanctions against Israel? 35 000 human beings have now been slaughtered, 75% of whom were women and children.
We undermine the credibility of this institution while we continue to refuse to talk about the necessity of sanctions against the genocide that is ongoing against the Palestinian people.
We need to address that issue.
Greece, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
10:57:47
Thank you, Mr Paul GAVAN.
In the debate, I call next Ms Petra BAYR.
Thank you, President.
For the prosecution of a great many atrocities that are currently taking place in Russia, if it is individuals who are to be prosecuted, it will be the International Criminal Court that will play a central role in the prosecution.
Just this week, the International Criminal Court issued an arrest warrant against the Russian army chief Valery Gerasimov and the former defence minister Sergei Shoigu for alleged war crimes. And I would like to remind you that in 2023, the International Criminal Court issued two arrest warrants against Putin on the one hand and against - and this is quite a paradox - the Russian Commissioner and the Presidential Commissioner for Children's Rights, Maria Lvova-Belova on the other, precisely because of the abduction of children - of Ukrainian children to occupied territories in Russia and Belarus.
The arrest warrants of the International Criminal Court are enforceable in all countries. The countries that are members of the Rome Statute are even obliged to execute these arrest warrants if someone against whom an arrest warrant has been issued enters their territory.
I would like to take this opportunity to point out that the International Criminal Court is very poorly funded and that the contributions it receives are often insufficient. I would also like to point out that there is a victims' fund within the ICC, which can certainly help with reconstruction, but also with the psychological, individual support of people who have become victims of such great atrocities.
So please, I also point out in my report on the issue of sexualised violence. Special attention needs to be paid to this as well. So please, perhaps you could also talk to your governments at home about whether there could be more funds for these crimes in order to prosecute them.
And let me say one more, ceterum censeo: compared to us, who select judges with a strong parliamentary component and send them to the European Court of Human Rights, the selection of judges at the International Criminal Court is much weaker and much more often due to political interests. And I mention this because I would really like to emphasise that if you choose the judges to be elected for Austria, Serbia and Finland this morning by noon then, please adhere to the recommendations made by the committee. We attach great importance to impartiality, to qualifications, and please do not allow yourselves to be misused for any games by any governments, but please follow the Committee's recommendations. Thank you.
Germany, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
11:01:20
Thank you very much.
The next speaker is Ms Zanda KALNIŅA-LUKAŠEVICA, Group of the European People's Party.
You have the floor.
Thank you, President.
Dear colleagues,
First, let me thank all the rapporteurs and all experts in the different committees for the dedicated work to develop these very important reports.
Regarding the report on "Legal and human rights aspects of the Russian Federation’s aggression against Ukraine", I would like to underline a few concrete topics that are covered in this report.
First, only if comprehensive accountability is ensured, the current international rules-based order can be safeguarded. A special tribunal has to be established now.
I am positive about the suggestion to establish a special tribunal under the auspices of the Council of Europe. But what is important, it should enjoy cross-regional support and be able to prosecute the main perpetrators of the crime of aggression.
For Latvia, it is of utmost importance that the special tribunal is effective, precludes impunity, ensures justice for Ukraine, and serves as a deterrent for future aggressions as well as upholds the rules-based international order.
Second, all international crimes, genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes, as mentioned in Paragraph 14, have to be examined and perpetrators have to be sentenced.
As of yesterday, the International Criminal Court has issued arrest warrants against Sergei Shoigu and Valery Gerasimov. We can definitely add their names in the list of wanted.
Third, I would like to underline Paragraph 15 of the Resolution, and especially regarding frozen Russian state assets, we have established a damage register and the Riga Principles are adopted to ensure the efficient functioning of the register.
With this report and previously approved reports on the support to the reconstruction of Ukraine, we have created a legal basis on how to legally confiscate and transfer the frozen Russian state assets to Ukraine.
Now, it depends on the will and courage of the governments to carry out.
Dear colleagues, we are discussing two other very important reports.
All these aspects are of utmost importance.
A few days ago, the European Union adopted the 14th package of sanctions against Russia for its continued illegal war against Ukraine.
It is clear that the sanctions and our unity have to reduce Russian financial and military capacity.
Meanwhile, we have to continue to strengthen sanction regimes and prevent any loopholes.
Many countries are following closely our reaction. If our response isn't strong, I'm afraid that in the near future we will have much more aggression around the globe.
To conclude, regarding the erasure of the cultural identity and Russification policy, unfortunately these are Russia's usual practices that as well my country has experienced through the occupation period, and centuries before as well.
Indeed, the Russian Federation is using cultural cleansing as a weapon of war within its broader campaign of extreme violence.
To erase historical roots, values, traditions and language is Russia's approach not only in its neighbouring countries but as well inside itself.
Thank you, dear colleagues.
Germany, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
11:05:03
Thank you.
Next speaker is for 3 minutes Ms Olena KHOMENKO.
Fellow colleagues,
Today in this hemicycle we have a comprehensive and historic debate covering issues of critical importance for Ukrainians.
I commend the tremendous work done by the rapporteurs, Ms Yevheniia KRAVCHUK, Ms Yelyzaveta YASKO, and Mr Davor Ivo STIER, to focus on terrible Russian war crimes and the erasure of our national identity, as well as the importance of responsibility for them and justice for the people of Ukraine.
One of the greatest atrocities committed in this war is the forced deportation of Ukrainian children, which is followed by the systematic eradication of children's national identity through the Russification, militarisation and indoctrination, through burning Ukrainian books, banning Ukrainian language at schools and systematic denial of the existence of Ukraine as an independent state and Ukrainians as a nation.
The illegal abduction and transfer of Ukrainian children is not only a crime against humanity, but an assault on the future of Ukraine.
As time goes on, these children lose their connection with home and culture and some may even be drafted into the enemy's military machine. And not only Putin and Lvova-Belova are responsible for these grave crimes. There is a huge network of criminals in Russia, including governmental officials, executing this systematic policy.
Sanctions are a crucial tool in our arsenal to weaken the Russian military machine and hold those responsible accountable. However, half measures and superficial sanctions that merely tick the box are insufficient. They enable the enemy's military capabilities to persist and do not reflect the gravity of our commitment.
Our current sanctions regime must be strengthened to close the gaps and loopholes that Russian atrocities exploit.
This includes expanding the scope of sanctions to target critical sectors, such as telecommunications and other sections, and ensuring comprehensive international coordination to prevent circumvention.
Our actions must reflect our resolve. Anything less is tantamount to complicity.
For all Ukrainians time is of the essence to manage all the consequences caused by Russian Federation. This means not only imposing and enforcing sanctions, but also providing all the necessary military and humanitarian support to ensure their survival and victory.
The longer we hesitate, the more entrenched the aggressor becomes, and the more lives are lost.
The recent peace summit underscored the necessity of a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. Key aspects include the necessity to exchange all prisoners of war and to return all deported and unlawfully displaced Ukrainian children, and all other Ukrainian civilians who were unlawfully detained must be returned to Ukraine.
Help us deliver this peace agenda and ensure this just and lasting peace. We need to put more pressure and more sanctions on Russia.
Thank you, dear colleagues.
Germany, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
11:08:28
Thank you.
The next speaker is Mr Roland BÜHEL for the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe.
President and colleagues,
We have now heard that sanctions are the panacea, and that they will resolve the situation. Let me tell you that they are not. Mr Paul GAVAN has just said that he wants more sanctions. We have heard it - more sanctions. We will hear it in many speeches - more sanctions. Germany wants more, and Belgium. Other countries will probably also be pilloried later. Are you really convinced that the sanctions against Russia will achieve anything? Are you really convinced? Are you convinced that stopping the supply of Russian oil and gas would make Russia fall to its knees?
There are many people, many economists, who are convinced that this is not a good thing, that it was a mistake. Why doesn't the government want to understand this, why don't we here in this room want to understand this?
The sanctions are a failure. They are not working, the Russian economy has unfortunately strengthened. And what has happened in our countries? People, normal people, can no longer pay for energy. It's even worse; the sanctions are working - but they are working against our own citizens, for whom we are there.
This drive for more sanctions is not good. It won't help us to fight Russia but it will help us to make life more difficult for our own citizens in our countries.
And that's why I don't think we're on the right track with the sanctions or indeed, calling for more sanctions. I believe that is the wrong path to follow.
Thank you very much.
Germany, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
11:10:54
Thank you very much.
Next speaker is Mr Titus CORLĂŢEAN.
Mr President,
Colleagues,
Very comprehensive, detailed, objective... Very good reports. I would like to congratulate all three rapporteurs for the wonderful, very professional work.
I will focus in my brief intervention especially on the issue of accountability for the crimes committed by Russia and its political and military leaders. I make reference to the crime of aggression, crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide.
Mr Davor Ivo STIER, but also Ms Yelyzaveta YASKO and Ms Yevheniia KRAVCHUK, are describing very accurately the atrocities committed by Russia in and against Ukraine and the Ukrainian nation, atrocities that have caused horrible crimes, death, destruction, environmental damage and massive displacement of the population within and outside Ukraine – I quote it from the first report.
The issue of accountability is a key element in our discussion because all these crimes are violating the foundation of the international society as established by the UN Charter in 1945.
The consequence is the fact that for all of us there is a key obligation to react, to confirm the accountability for these crimes and to reject the impunity and not to accept the fact that the use and the illegal use of force can be interpreted as an alternative to the normal functioning of the international society based on rules.
So, accountability and the establishment of a special tribunal for punishing the crime of aggression is a key element in our discussion.
I would like to underline, in this context, that the original source of the crime of aggression as established in international law is the London Convention for defining the crime of aggression from 1933. At the time, it was the Romanian foreign minister Nicolae Titulescu, and paradoxically, the Soviet commissioner Maksim Litvinov, that jointly proposed the first ever international definition of the crime of aggression.
This was the source that by the way was used on 3 March 2014 in Brussels by the foreign ministers of the European Union in condemning Russia for the illegal annexation of Crimea, for the crime of aggression.
So I really hope that what is proposed and underlined in the report of Mr Davor Ivo STIER, for instance, the special role of the Council of Europe currently which is played for drafting and negotiating and finalising a bilateral agreement between the Council of Europe and Ukraine, plus an enlarged and partial agreement that will accompany, that will open the doors for the other members of the international society, will become a reality.
I underline, this is a European platform and the European solution provided for all the international society to be part of the process and to sanction the crime of aggression.
I really hope that in my country, Romania, and in Bucharest, in the second part of this week, my country which is a stronger supporter and contributor to this process, the Core Group will finalise – or at least will advise substantially to finalise this agreement – and definitely to underline also the need to establish an even stronger sanctions regime, and to be sure that at the end the system of compensation for the damages will be put in place.
I will strongly support and vote in favour of the adoption of all three resolutions and the draft recommendation.
Thank you so much.
Germany, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
11:14:53
Thank you very much.
The floor goes to your neighbour Ms Lise CHRISTOFFERSEN.
President. Dear colleagues.
Russia's aggressive warfare against Ukraine is now in its third year. All our member states share an undeniable obligation to support Ukraine in their heroic resistance against the aggressor.
Ukraine's fight is our fight. In fact, their fight is the fight for a democratic Europe, where people can live their lives in freedom. It is a fight for the core values of the Council of Europe. Thus, we are all obliged to with all means continue our support for Ukraine.
For the time being, the support is primarily military in the forms of arms deliveries and their use. Even if this is not up for debate today, I would like to mention that Norway just opened a new missile factory, partly to replenish our own stocks after donations to Ukraine, and partly to continue supplying Ukraine with modern missile systems.
Today, we have before us three reports addressing different aspects of our support for Ukraine. They deal with war reparations, the establishment of a criminal tribunal under the auspices of the Council of Europe, and the protection of Ukrainian cultural identity and heritage. All important reports.
Nevertheless, I believe the most important thing right now is that we do everything we can to enforce the sanctions imposed on Russia. We need to get more countries involved, close loopholes, and most of all - ensure that the adopted sanctions actually are enforced. To weaken Russia's economic ability as much as possible is of utmost importance.
Unfortunately, the Norwegian Helsinki Committee has uncovered many violations of the sanction regimes. Their report shows how large quantities of sanctioned war-relevant goods flow directly from Europe to Russia. Türkiye is a key gateway. In addition, some Western countries stand for large direct outflows of sanctioned goods, including Poland, Germany and Lithuania, the latter shipping sanctioned goods partly via Belarus. I hope this is not the tip of an iceberg. As parliamentarians, we have an obligation to check the status of sanction enforcement back home.
Finally, a tribunal under the Council of Europe's auspices might be a good idea. Seizure of frozen Russian assets is a difficult issue, which may take time to resolve. Meanwhile, all member states of the Council of Europe should make a common agreement on financial contributions to rebuild Ukraine when this terrible war is over. Hopefully soon.
Thank you.
Germany, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
11:18:06
Now, Mr Lőrinc NACSA.
You have the floor.
Thank you very much, Mister President.
First of all, I think as anyone in this room, Hungary condemns Russia's military aggression against Ukraine. We think that war cannot be a solution to any conflict.
In these turbulent times of war, Hungary has shown its solidarity and is supporting Ukraine in various ways.
In addition to the significant humanitarian aid response such as relief, rehabilitation, and development operations provided in Ukraine, including helping internally displaced persons, we are providing ongoing assistance to refugees arriving to Hungary from Ukraine.
Just yesterday 10 800 persons arrived to Hungary.
We are committed to the development of a multifaceted co-operation with Ukraine.
Ukraine is our important partner and neighbour, and home to a considerable Hungarian minority group. Of course their minority rights are really important for us as well.
Hungary is of the view that perpetrators of the most serious international crimes should be held accountable in a way that is consistent with international law.
The core group has no formal link with the Council of Europe and its statutory organs. Discussions within the Council of Europe should be transparent, especially as some member states, including Hungary, are not participating in the work of the Core Group. And any involvement of the Council of Europe beyond its current mandate in the process leading to the possible establishment of a special tribunal and others should be based on a unanimous decision of the Member States of the Council of Europe.
On the other hand, we are of the firm opinion that national sanctions can only be imposed by the elected political representatives of the country concerned.
These decisions form a part of a country's foreign policy competence, firmly rooted in its national sovereignty.
Hungary is interested in a peaceful resolution of the devastating conflict in the heart of Europe as soon as possible. That's why we support all initiatives aiming at starting meaningful negotiations. Peace cannot be achieved without dialogue. That's why we participated at the Swiss peace conference.
Ladies and gentlemen, we want peace as soon as possible.
Thank you very much.
Germany, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
11:20:50
Thank you.
Now Ms Nadejda IORDANOVA has the floor.
Thank you, Mister Chair.
Dear colleagues,
First of all, I would like to congratulate all our three rapporteurs for their excellent work. I will focus on the issue of sanctions in my short intervention.
First, allow me to disagree with the fact that the sanctions don't work. Yes, they're not the most effective tool to end this horrible war. But we need them because, for the moment, they're the only effective peaceful tool at our disposal. That's why I think that we should unite the effort of our governments, of our companies, and to effectively implement all sanctions, strengthen them, widen them.
Earlier this week the European Union adopted the 14th package of sanctions against the Kremlin regime with European political parties and non-governmental organisations now banned from accepting financial contributions from Moscow. In addition the EU forbids the use of its facilities for trans-shipment of Russian liquid natural gas and its re-export to third countries, while also adding further 116 individuals and entities to the existing sanctions list. The package bans 27 Russian ships from docking at European ports and foresees additional bans on financial operation and obligations for the European companies exporting military equipment and weapons to the Russian Federation. Launching the deadliest and the most distractive military campaign in Europe since World War II has turned Russia into a pariah state which deserves even stronger economic and diplomatic isolation. Sanctions remain the much needed peaceful tool for maximum disturbance of Putin's war machine that's preventing it from killing more innocent civilians and destroying Ukraine's critical infrastructure.
Weakening or even helping Russia evade the sanctions costs numerous lives and represents a serious threat for the security of Europe. Therefore, I call representatives of member states that refrain from restrictive measures to reconsider their policy and also impose all the existing sanctions against the Kremlin. We should examine all legal avenues to expropriate frozen Russian assets and use them for the recovery of Ukraine and the well-being of its citizens. I also support the creation of an international tribunal that will punish the criminals from Putin's regime.
And, oh! my dear colleagues, I urge you to speed up the process. Thank you.
Germany, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
11:24:00
Thank you.
In place number 209, it's not Mr Norbert KLEINWÄCHTER. He is not there.
Then the next speaker Mr Hayk MAMIJANYAN, Group of the European People's Party. You have the floor.
Thank you, Mister Chair.
Honourable colleagues,
I would like to add some more facts to those that have been presented by their rapporteur in the paragraph about the South Caucasus because the systemic obliteration of a rich and ancient heritage of Armenia is not only a cultural tragedy but also a flagrant violation of international law and human rights.
The Armenian cultural identity is deeply rooted in the history of the South Caucasus. However, the legacy has been increasingly under threat, particularly in the context of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The Caucasus Heritage Watch, an organisation monitoring cultural heritage in conflict zones, has provided comprehensive documentation on the matter.
St Yeghishe Arakyal Monastery, the 9th-century Armenian monastery, has been significantly damaged. Photographic evidence from 2023 shows the removal of Armenian inscriptions and the defacement of religious symbols. The destruction is part of a broader pattern observed in territories that came under Azerbaijani control after the 2020 war.
Sushi's Cathedral – Ghazamchetsots – the iconic cathedral which was shelled during the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war. Despite international calls for its protection, the site has been further neglected and damaged into 2023. Satellite images confirmed the deterioration of the important cultural landmark. Sources are claiming that Azerbaijan is trying to wipe out its Armenian origins and turning it into a so-called "Albanian monastery".
St John the Baptist Church – Kanach Zham – located in Sushi. This church has been subjected to repeated vandalism. In 2023, reports indicated that the church's dome and cross has been removed and its interior desecrated.
St Astvatsatsin Church – another significant site. St Astvatsatsin Church is in Hadrut district and has been repurposed with the Azerbaijani authorities converting it into a mosque, erasing the Armenian Christian heritage. Azerbaijani authorities won't stop with that. They didn't stop till they ethnically cleansed Nagorno-Karabakh, where there is not a single Armenian at the moment.
I'm sure that sooner or later the right of self-determination of Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh will be exercised as agreed and announced five times by the heads of states of Minsk Group Co-chair countries. Azerbaijani authorities are afraid of that. As they should be. And the fear transferred into aggression towards people, monasteries and cultural sites.
The preservation of cultural heritage is a collective responsibility. By safeguarding the Armenian heritage, we uphold the principles of cultural diversity, historical integrity and international law.
Let us stand united in our commitment to protect and preserve the cultural identity of all nations, ensuring that history, no matter how vulnerable, is never forgotten.
Thank you.
Germany, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
11:27:33
Thank you very much.
The next speaker is Mr Claude KERN.
Thank you, Mr Chairman.
Ladies and gentlemen,
I would like to thank our three colleagues for their excellent reports on the war of aggression launched by the Russian Federation against Ukraine, which we still condemn.
I would particularly like to refer to the report by our colleague Mr Davor Ivo STIER, who calls for a comprehensive system of accountability for all violations of international law and international crimes arising from the Russian Federation's aggression against Ukraine.
Unfortunately, we know that the crimes and abuses have been and still are numerous. Establishing responsibility and punishing the guilty parties is, in my view, an essential step towards establishing lasting peace when the time comes.
Our Assembly was the first international body to support the creation of an ad hoc international criminal tribunal to investigate and prosecute the crime of aggression committed against Ukraine. This position of principle has not changed. What remains to be determined are the modalities, and in particular the role of the Council of Europe, while consultations on this subject are still underway between Council of Europe member states and other partners within the Core Group.
The Council of Europe undeniably has an essential role to play. The European Court of Human Rights also has a wealth of experience to draw on. It was at the Reykjavik Summit that the Register of Damages for Ukraine was created, a first step towards an international compensation mechanism for the victims of Russian aggression. Finally, on 30 April, the Secretary General of the Council of Europe received a mandate from the Committee of Ministers to prepare all the necessary documents for a possible draft agreement between the Council of Europe and the Government of Ukraine on the creation of a special tribunal.
It has also been mandated to prepare a possible draft enlarged partial agreement governing the modalities of support for such a tribunal, its financing and other administrative matters.
I welcome the fact that the Council of Europe is taking the initiative in this matter, in line with the positions previously expressed by our Assembly. Nevertheless, as the report emphasises, I believe it is essential that the special tribunal should be as international as possible, going beyond the limits of the Council of Europe. On the strength of our values and the invaluable and indispensable experience of the Council of Europe, we must advocate the maximum internationalisation of the tribunal, so that it acquires the most universal dimension possible.
Thank you all very much.
Germany, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
11:30:23
Thank you.
May I remind colleagues that the ballots for judges of the European Court of Human Rights are still open.
Those who have not yet voted may still do so by going to the lobby of the Committee of Ministers.
The vote closes at 12:05 p.m.
Next speaker is Lord George FOULKES.
Mister President, most people have difficulty pronouncing my name, so I forgive you.
These are three excellent reports. I'm going to concentrate on the one on sanctions.
Britain is committed to supporting Ukraine in every way possible against the illegal Russian aggression, but I must say I'm disappointed in the lack of progress we've had so far in having effective sanction. And unlike Mr Roland Rino BÜCHEL from Switzerland, I do believe sanctions can be effective. The reason why they haven't been effective so far in crippling the Russian economy is because we haven't imposed them fully and effectively.
Now, if we take Britain for example, we are lagging behind both the United States and the European Union. And our problem with our approach is two-fold: the scope of sanctions remains far too limited and the sanctions that we do have are undermined by lack of affective enforcement.
On scope, the excellent Spotlight on Corruption recently submitted evidence to our Parliament which highlighted the fact that Britain currently only sanctions 14% of the individuals name-checked on the Anti-Corruption Foundation's Navalny List. That is not an effective implementation.
Also, there is still significant divergence between our sanctions and those of our allies. There are about 700 individuals on the US list, and 500 in the EU list that we don't have on our list in the United Kingdom, and that's unacceptable. The UK government must do more to align with our allies, as sanctions can only be really effective if the scope of implementation is wide.
And then on enforcement. That failed due to a combination of underfunding and limiting the powers of our regulatory body, the Office of Financial Sanctions Implementation.
And since the outbreak of war, that body has issued no fines for sanctions evasion. That implies one of two scenarios: either everyone is complying or, more likely, nobody is being caught.
And so we have to put more investment, obviously, in our organisation and reform it to grant it criminal powers so that they can quickly transform this largely toothless body into an effective sanctions police.
And I think sanctions must be an essential part, just a part, of our package of support for Ukraine, as crippling Russia financially can propel Ukraine from the current stalemate to victory. And as Ms Lise CHRISTOFFERSEN rightly said, the Ukrainians are not just fighting for Ukraine, they are fighting for us and for all democracies.
Thank you, Mister President.
Germany, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
11:33:59
Now, the floor is for Mr David WELLS, from Canada.
Dear colleagues,
Today's joint debate covers three distinct but interrelated subjects. I thank all three rapporteurs for their good work. Given my limited time today, however, I'm going to focus on sanctions.
Since 2014, the Canadian government has imposed sanctions on more than 784 entities and 2 190 individuals in response to Russia's invasion of Ukraine. I say more than because that's government data from late February, and rarely a week goes by without a Canadian sanctions announcement. Indeed, from January 2022 to June 2023 alone, Canada imposed 79 rounds of autonomous sanctions, 150% increase over the previous five years combined.
For Canada, as for most of our allies, sanctions have become what some describe as a tool of first resort. That makes sense. Sanctions are one of the very few non-violent mechanisms we have to stand up for human rights and try to bring about change in policy and behaviour. Unfortunately though, at least in the Canadian context, there's a tendency to do what the sanctions expert Andrea Charron has called fire and forget. We're good at adding individuals and entities, that's the easy part. But we struggle to enforce our sanctions, to crack down on evasion, and to measure their effectiveness.
A big part of the problem is data. The Russian Elites, Proxies and Oligarchs (REPO) Task Force, a multilateral effort to isolate and exert pressure on sanctioned Russian individuals and entities, has acknowledged that problem. The Task Force March 2023 global advisory, for example, highlighted the fact that regulated private sector entities have access to a very valuable information such as customer and transaction details and trade documentation. This information, the advisory added, puts them on the frontline in the fight against illicit finance and Russian sanction evasions, and allows them to identify suspicious activity.
The challenge, however, is that they often only have what the REPO Task Force described as, I quote, "limited view of the underlying activity of concern". The data is out there, but we're operating in silos. We need to see more of it and we need to share it.
In the meantime, Russia continues to exploit globalised supply chains and third country traders to access components that are essential to its war efforts. It's extremely disappointing that countries like China, India, the UAE, and Türkiye continue to trade with Russia. For the most part, that trade is beyond the reach of our sanctions and out of our control. What we can do, however, is ensure that our sanctions are working as well as they can be.
Sunlight, as the saying goes, is the best disinfectant. Let's prioritise comprehensive transparent data and do what we can to thwart sanctions evasion.
Thank you.
Germany, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
11:37:12
The next speaker is Ms Larysa BILOZIR. I can't see her.
Yes, let's speak from there. OK.
Dear Chair,
Dear colleagues,
I would like to commend our rapporteurs for their important reports. All of these topics are important and vital for Ukraine.
I would like to thank Mr Davor Ivo STIER for stressing a comprehensive system of accountability for violations and international crimes Russia has done. I would like to thank Ms Yelyzaveta YASKO for her strong report on sanctions with concrete press positions have to avoid circumventing sanctions. I would like to thank Ms Yevheniia KRAVCHUK, who has been working on her report very hard since the beginning of the full scale invasion to show how Russia is using cultural cleansing as a weapon of war.
Thank you all today that you stand united with Ukraine in the face of many challenges of the war waged by Russia that tests the very principle of international law and justice. I would like to stress that still some Council of Europe countries help Russia to circumvent some sanctions. Yesterday, Bloomberg published charts where you could see that the tension reduced only Russian imports but not Russian exports that help them to finance war. Moscow has received billions from the EU since the ban on Russian fuel imports to the EU. The scheme works as follows: Russia oil is refined, mixed with oil products of other origin as is still allowed by the EU if it is labeled as non-Russian. In addition Russia has created a shadow fleet for all exports. We all heard about this in detail today. Russians use different perverted ways of circumventing the sanctions. They use cryptocurrency to buy dual-use goods including high-tech equipment and components for drones and for missiles. Are we not aware of this, that many European companies continue to do business freely in Russia, abusing the right to an exemption from the sanction regime? Russia increased the production of arms in 2023 compared to 2022 three times. It clearly shows substantial work.
Does money really mean that much to the civilised world, even more than basic human values? In case it is so, dear colleagues, we have to admit the axis of evil turns out to be stronger than the democratic world. We need a clear and transparent systematic form of secondary sanctions against companies and countries. We must improve multilateral co-operation to ensure the elimination of legal loopholes. We have to invest in exchange of information and best practices, conduct joint inspections and investigation. After all, sanctions must be an instrument of punishment of Russia on the path to justice and the rule of law.
Thank you.
Germany, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
11:40:51
Thank you, the floor now goes to Ms Liisa-Ly PAKOSTA.
I would also give very best words about these three reports which are very important today.
I would like to underline the value of this organisation where we sit, due to the fact that we take into the light all the aspects of human rights.
For example, the tragedy of war and occupation and demolishing of the cultural identity, the cultural rights, is one of the aspects that is not very much up on the scope.
This is why I would like to say some more words about this.
Estonia has experienced very lately by the Russian occupation the demolishing of our culture, our cultural sites, our religious sites, and our identity.
I have personally experienced a lot of tragic what that involves, although I have not seen war in my country.
The rights of identity and of culture are a little bit not tangible, and a little bit abstract. This is why they are quite often overseen, especially in the cultures which have not recently experienced this tragedy.
As we all understand the importance of human rights, of cultural rights, of the right to identity, we have to underline that this is a value war. This is a war of cultures.
Because it is a war of cultures, we have to keep our culture, our values, very strong in this.
We have to take, together with UNESCO and other international organisations, every aspect in light of the demolishing of cultural identity and sites.
I would like to also underline the Russian propaganda especially in this area. We might think that something is sometimes true because they give so many aspects. They give so many historical so-called details. But we have to take into account everything they say can be right. Everything they say most often is wrong. We have to see that their propaganda, Russia's propaganda, works in the way that they give very many so-called facts to make people believe that something is right. But no, everything can be wrong.
We have to see it through.
I would like to call everybody here and outside of this building to work together to protect the cultural values of Ukraine, to protect the identity of Ukrainian children who are deported to Russia and Belarus, and to work not only with a tangible culture but also with a culture that we can't touch. It is very important for the protection of human rights.
Thank you.
Germany, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
11:44:10
Thank you very much.
Now floor goes to Lord David BLENCATHRA.
Mister Chairman, these are excellent reports.
First of all, on an international tribunal, this Council should move immediately to create one.
In 1944, four countries, the United Kingdom, the United States, the Soviet Union and France, set up the Nuremberg tribunal.
There was no precedent, no rules to follow, but they made their own and justice was done. That is a model we should follow since the rules of procedure can be replicated today. There will never be an international criminal court trial, since Russia and China will veto it, if some of our Council states do not want to participate, then so be it. We should still go ahead.
And what should be the role of Ukraine? I am clear that they should be the lead prosecutor and assisted by others, but they cannot be on the judges panel since that would lead to claims of bias. Ukraine has the evidence, they should prosecute. There is no excuse for this Council to delay further. Let us crack on with setting up a tribunal as soon as possible.
On sanctions: what an excellent report by Ms Yelyzaveta YASKO. I agree with every word of it, especially the measures she calls for in Paragraphs 9 and 11 of the draft resolution. We have got to expose all those people and countries dealing with the evil Putin regime. Those countries in Europe still buying Russian oil and gas, those shadow shipping fleets moving their oil and gas to other evil regimes around the world.
And we need to out the individuals in corporations still working with Russia. We need a new form of the #MeToo movement, and just as all corporations now file their annual reports claiming how good they are about the environment and transsexual rights and people trafficking and every other cause, so I like the idea of having them to declare that they have no dealings with anything which aids the war against Ukraine.
And we should support secondary sanctions against any people or countries aiding Putin.
Sanctions only work if they hurt enough people. At the moment, they do not and should be strengthened.
Ms Yevheniia KRAVCHUK has also produced an excellent report. And it is clear that the victors from the earliest days of history always try to eradicate the culture of the losing country. She documented that well for the Crimea, and we've seen Russia try that in the lands they've overrun in Southern Ukraine.
I support all our recommendations, but they require one thing for them to work: the defeat of Russia in Ukraine, and for Ukraine to win. We can sign all the conventions we like, and pass UN resolutions, but if we want to protect the Ukrainian identity, language and culture then we have to give them the weapons, the military weapons to help them win. As Lord George FOULKES so rightly said, Ukraine is fighting for all of us.
Now, I know that this Assembly does not like talk of fighting to win, we prefer talk of peace. But when we pass these resolutions today, let us be clear that the that it will not work unless we help Ukraine win, and then Ukraine will be in a position to restore once again its noble culture.
Thank you.
San Marino, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
11:47:16
Thank you very much.
Now the floor goes to Mr Paulo MONIZ.
The floor is yours.
Thank you, Chair.
Dear colleagues,
My first words are for the three rapporteurs, and to congratulate them.
Since the aggression and invasion of Ukraine that began in 2014 and culminated in the full-scale invasion and war in February 2022, the forced Russification of the Ukrainian people has been severely imposed.
The attack on the cultural identity, historical heritage, and values and traditions, thoughts and genuine expressions of the Ukrainian people have suffered deliberate actions of erasure and adulteration.
This intangible offensive, which also strongly affects the entire digital, historical and online environment and media, leaves much deeper and more lasting marks than other scars.
We must condemn this barbarity and attack on the soul and essence of the Ukrainian people while demanding its reparation, with all the costs involved and with international observation and monitoring mechanisms, and it must continue for as long as necessary for complete reparation of the cultural and identity values attacked and destroyed by Putin's regime.
The evil must not prevail. All together, we must ensure that.
Thank you.
San Marino, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
11:49:12
Thank you very much.
Now the floor goes to Mr Kimmo KILJUNEN.
The floor is yours.
Mister President,
Thanks very much for these three excellent reports. Thanks very much for this very mature, important discussion we are having here today.
Obviously, all are focusing on the brutal aggression Russia made against the independent sovereign state of Ukraine. We are now discussing here with serious consequences what has happened and obviously, to keep those accountable who are behind this brutal aggression. We are in full solidarity here together. That's why the items we are discussing are serious.
Thanks for the debate on sanctions. Yes, they are not totally functional. There are always hiccups in them, but as the Bulgarian representative we had today said, that's the most efficient peaceful way of trying to influence. True, we are discussing here about the damage register, how compensation mechanisms are to be created and also the tribunals which we are obviously waiting for, against, those who are guilty of crimes.
Colleagues, actually this platform here, our Plenary Assembly, is the widest and most credible European parliamentary forum to have the debate. True, the debate also goes on in the European Parliament next door. True also is that the Parliamentary Assembly has asked for a parliamentary debate. But today actually the Coucil of Europe's role in European foreign and security policy issues is totally different than it has been ever. ever before. That's why our responsibility is so big when we are now addressing the questions.
Lord George FOULKES from the United Kingdom just addressed this issue, that the fight in Ukraine is actually a common fight for all of us, for democracy and, obviously, the right for Europeanisation for Ukraine is so crucial. True, we can also say so, but it's very interesting to analyse it in this way.
Russians are frequent to say that Europeanisation or democratisation, which obviously is a consequence of the Europeanisation of Ukraine, is a threat against Russia. Actually, I can agree. It's not a threat against the Russian people, but it is a threat against the oligarchic, elite, authoritarian structures of Putin's regime in Russia. The democratisation of Ukraine, democratisation of Belarus, it hasn't been mentioned here, but those countries, it's obvious the next country to change is Russia itself. So, actually the struggle Ukraine is now making, it's also actually struggling for democracy in Russia in the long term. That is the important core to understand, that it is the collapse of the Soviet Union's the last battles going on.
Obviously, we assure those supporting Ukraine's national sovereignty in those two terms.
Thank you.
San Marino, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
11:52:42
Thank you very much.
Mr Serhii SOBOLIEV, you're the next on the list.
The floor is yours.
Thank you, Mister Chair.
Dear rapporteurs,
I think that it's not a case that we decided to unite all these three reports.
I think it's a good idea to analyse how an autocratic regime became a fascist regime.
It's very important to analyse this in a comparison with the fascist regime of Hitler.
Putin started with the same problems that he started to solve.
First of all, he decided to exclude, as Hitler did many years ago, such nations as Austrians, Czech, Slovak and others. So Putin started from Ukrainians, Georgians, Moldovan nation, in order to proclaim again and again his new ideas.
Second, it's very important to analyse the mistakes of all mankind that all of our countries did many years ago in order not to repeat these mistakes now.
We are analysing sanctions, but we must understand that Putin now, he is not only Hitler, he is as well Goebbels. Because without propaganda it's impossible to do this dirty and bloody work that Putin is doing now.
For example, here in Strasbourg, go to each hotel, switch on TV and you will have the possibility to watch minimum four Russian channels that are giving blood, Russian world so-called, and Russian propaganda. It is the same all around the world.
But what sanctions are we seeing now when more than 50 European companies, broadcasting companies, just previous week were prohibited in Russia?
Second, we're discussing sanctions. But please, the last example when one of 10, the most expensive jets, private jets, this year fly openly after sanctions from the centre of Europe to Russia. It's a jet of a Russian billionaire.
What sanctions are we talking about?
Or when we have sanctions against companies here in Europe and all over the world who try to increase oil and gas productivity - it's sanctions? No, it's nothing with the sanctions, because it helps Russia to have bloody money for its invasion in Ukraine, in Georgia and all over the world.
So I think it's a very honest report.
And thanks to amendments that we give to this report, we can have an excellent result here in this organisation and then in our own parliaments in order to stop this fascist Putin's regime.
Thank you.
San Marino, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
11:56:31
Thank you very much.
Now Ms Sona GHAZARYAN.
The floor is yours.
Honourable Chair,
Dear colleagues,
First and foremost, I would like to extend my gratitude to the rapporteurs. I would like to thank Ms Yevheniia KRAVCHUK for her excellent work. We have discussed her report in our Committee in various formats with different stakeholders. I would like to draw your attention to the very important discussion with the general prosecutor of Ukraine. It was very important to have him in the discussion.
The preservation of historical and cultural monuments is our collective responsibility, regardless of their cultural and national origin because it is our collective responsibility to protect our shared human history.
This destruction of cultural and historical monuments during wars has one very sharp goal: it is to destroy our cultural identity with the further intention of falsifying history. In 2020, we witnessed the targeted destruction of Saint Ghazanchetsots church on two separate occasions.
Dear Yevheniia, you referred in your report to the destruction of the cultural identity of Belarus to Ukraine and the South Caucasus. I would like to clarify for all my colleagues one point that was mentioned in an explanatory note. When it comes to the mosques, I must emphasise that it is our responsibility to stay, to preserve them. And actually, one of the biggest mosques in Yerevan was restored back in 2000 with the help of the Iranian government.
Additionally, the mosques in the Kond that were mentioned in the explanatory note were in a state of disrepair, I do agree, but there are two very important religious monuments in the Kond. One is the Christian chapel and another is a mosque, and they are in a state of disrepair but they are registered in a state registry and the state conducts annual photography documentation to protect and prevent further damage. In the new project of the Kond, these monuments will be preserved.
But I would like to draw your attention to the elimination of cultural identity by the USSR, because back in the 1930s many essential churches in the city centre of Yerevan were destructed by the decision of the Soviet authorities, like the Saint Poghos-Petros church in the city centre. And according to the actual general logic of the report, this serves as an example of how the USSR was trying to erase the cultural history of its member states.
Thank you.
San Marino, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
11:59:40
Thank you very much.
Now the floor goes to Mr Rostyslav TISTYK.
The floor is yours.
Honourable Chairman, dear colleagues, dear Ms Yevheniia KRAVCHUK,
Having chosen all these topics for the speech, I would like to draw special attention about the erasure of cultural identities in war and peace particular issue. The erasure of cultural identity during the war is a serious threat and urgent problem for Ukraine.
The process of Russification of Ukrainian cities, the aggressive propaganda and imposition of Russian narratives endangers the identity of the Ukrainian people. This has been the direction of Russian state policy for centuries.
Russia has always considered Ukrainian national culture figures to be enemies and has always destroyed them.
Do you know about the Rozstriliane vidrodzhennia, which literally translates as "shot revival"?
Mykola Kulish, Ivan Yakovych Franko, Mykhailo Kotsiubynsky, Pavlo Tychyna, Ivan Bahrianyi. Ukranian writers who, even under conditions of silence and prohibitions, created texts worthy of world appreciation. Then the Soviet authority destroyed all of them, tortured or sent them to prison.
After gaining independence, Russia didn't stop its efforts to erase Ukrainian culture. During the 90s Russian culture was actively promoted through various cultural events, art projects, and educational programs. In particular Russian music, cinema, and literature occupied a significant place in the Ukrainian market, which contributed to the formation of a positive image of Russia.
Ukrainian culture in Russia was always presented as inferior. Pay attention to how Russia puts the establishments of Russian as the second official language in Ukraine as one of the conditions for the end of the war. This is a tool to destroy Ukrainian statehood, and Russia understands the power of this tool.
In the occupied Ukrainian territories, Russia immediately broadcasted Russian channels, destroyed monuments of Ukrainian culture figures, returned or changed Soviet names to Streets, prohibited the study of the Ukrainian language in the school, and rewrote Ukraine history in textbooks.
Deported Ukrainian children are forced to speak only Russian, and are imposed a Russian identity, raising them in the spirit of Russian patriotism and loyalty to the Russia government. This is a great challenge for Ukraine, but at the same time a chance for national revival and strengthening of cultural identity. Countering the Russian aggression requires the mobilisation of all resources: state, public and international.
The preservation and development of Ukrainian culture is a key element in this struggle. Preservation of cultural identity is a guarantee of stable and independent development of Ukraine in the future. And this is what the Ukrainian people are fighting for.
Thank you.
Glory to Ukraine!
San Marino, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
12:02:50
Thank you.
Thank you very much.
Now, the floor goes to Mr Gergely ARATÓ.
The floor is yours.
The events of the past period fundamentally question the common order of Europe and the values that underpin it, which emerged after the horrors of the Second World War and the blood-paved victory of the allies.
It has been proven once again that oppression breeds war. Lasting peace can only be based on the full enforcement of human rights and freedom.
It is precisely this realisation that the European Council [Council of Europe] has stood for for 75 years.
Yet, the shadows of the 20th century have returned. The aim of the Russian attack on Ukraine is not only to steal territory and resources. Not only to expand the military threat to the whole of Europe. But also to destroy the entire Ukrainian identity and culture.
Likewise, the disregard for international law and the cultural self-determination of the Armenian people in the case of the Nagorno-Karabach, and cases elsewhere in the world, is troubling.
From the idea of the superiority of nation, religion and culture, directly follows the inferiority of other cultures, nations and peoples.
We have seen this happen eight decades ago, and we have seen the immeasurable suffering that has resulted from it all.
Many people believe that these are only problems for certain countries and regions. I don't see it that way.
If we accept the destruction of cultural values and national identity in the case of a single country, a single region, we will not be protected either if our culture and our identity are in danger.
That is why this organisation must register and report all violations of human rights and all attacks on cultural identity, without bias or exaggeration, but strictly adhering to the facts and our principles.
Our tools are not a military power nature, but we have a voice and we must raise it if it's necessary.
But we have rights to do at home, the protection of minority, cultural, and linguistic rights, and the right to identity, belong to every citizen and every community.
Even in difficult times it must be understood that granting minority rights, cultural and linguistic autonomy, does not weaken, on the contrary, it strengthens the common state of the majority and minorities.
Yes, this is our job. This is what we can do. To act in defence of language, culture, identity of every community, every nation, at home, at a European level, and in the international community.
Thank you very much.
San Marino, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
12:06:27
Thank you.
The ballots for the election of judges to the European Court of Human Rights are now closed.
The next on the list is Mr Levan BEZHASHVILI.
The floor is yours.
Is it?
No.
He doesn't seem to be here.
So the floor goes to Mr Lukas SAVICKAS.
Dear President,
Dear colleagues,
More than two years have passed since our mentioning of a full-scale invasion that began, and we continue to witness those devastating impacts of this war.
It is imperative that we establish a special tribunal for the crimes of aggression against Ukraine. This tribunal must be international in its scope, ensuring cross regional support, and minimising any legal challenges. Therefore, I fully agree that the most feasible and the most effective way to do this is actually through an agreement between the Council of Europe and Ukraine.
Indiscriminate attacks on civilians, unlawful abductions, and forced disappearances, torture, deportation of Ukrainian children are but a few of the horrific acts that have been documented.
The Russian Federation must bear full international responsibility for these crimes, including those committed by the Wagner Group as well.
The establishment of a special tribunal and the compensation mechanism is our critical step towards justice.
Sanctions have been a pivotal tool in our response. They serve as a non-military means to exert our pressure on those responsible for aggression, aiming to curve Russia's capacity to continue its war and to signal our unwavering support for Ukraine.
The current sanctions regime, which involves over 14 000 distinct measures, targets key sectors of the Russian economy, its financial assets, individuals complicit in the aggression. The impact of these sanctions is already evident. Russia's economy has been significantly weakened, a substantial reduction in its financial reserves, and its capacity which is crippled, which was to sustain its military operations.
The loss of over 130 billion dollars in oil revenue alone, highlights the financial strain imposed by our measures.
However, we must acknowledge that the sanctions are not foolproof. Gaps and loopholes have allowed the Russian authorities and their allies to circumvent some restrictions, necessitating a more robust and co-ordinated approach. Our path requires action to close these gaps. We must broaden the scope of personal sanctions to include those involved in human rights abuses, war crimes, and propaganda efforts.
We must implement stricter export controls and penalties for companies and countries aiding Russian evasion tactics. We must encourage more countries to join our sanctions regime and harmonise our enforcement efforts to eliminate those legal loopholes.
This requires a comprehensive approach, and all three reports do exactly that in the right direction.
I congratulate the work of the rapporteurs, and I urge to support the reports.
Thank you.
San Marino, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
12:10:04
Thank you very much.
Now next on the list is Mr Markus WIECHEL.
The floor is yours.
Thank you, Mister President.
First of all, I wish to thank our rapporteur Ms Yelyzaveta YASKO for her truly excellent and much needed report on sanctions imposed on Russia over its invasion of Ukraine. It is indeed a very complete summary of what’s been done so far by the international community and illustrates the wide range of forms that sanctions against Russia have in fact taken. As importantly the report shows what remains to be done in terms of closing remaining gaps and loopholes, loopholes that we detect as we go forward. A number of recent tragic developments make harder sanctions more and more likely and necessary.
For example, there is the daily Russian carpet bombing of Ukrainian cities, with their horrifying toll in human lives and suffering, and the destruction of countless civilian homes and critical infrastructure.
Such barbarian actions have the effect of further sharpening the position of all civilised countries as regards the need for even more far-reaching sanctions against Russia. This was also clearly shown at the international Summit on Peace in Ukraine held the other day in the Swiss city of Bürgenstock, whose Final Declaration was signed by 80 countries from all over the world. Thus, it seems more and more likely that additional Russian bank deposits will not only be internationally frozen as up to now, but also that such Russian assets can be used by Ukraine to help its citizens rebuild their devastated homes or to restore the country’s destroyed energy and other vital infrastructure.
It is heartening to note that not only the EU but also international financial institutions like the IMF and individual non-EU countries like Switzerland are warming to this idea. It is not, of course, without a deep sense of sadness that the international community feels it has to take recourse to drastic measures such as these.
The civilised world vastly prefers a global order where relations between countries are peaceful and build on international law.
This is also the underlying plea inspiring Ms YASKO’s report.
The ultimate purpose of sanctions is, after all, that they should no longer be needed.
Mister President, we stand by Ukraine. Thank you.
San Marino, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
12:13:04
Thank you very much.
Now the the floor goes to Ms Lesia VASYLENKO. The floor is yours.
And I think now the microphone is on.
These three reports are excellent in many ways, but moreso is the excellent united discussion that we are holding today, as it gives us a comprehensive understanding of where the Russian aggression has come from and what are its consequences.
I thank Mr Davor Ivo STIER for a deep analysis of the legal and human rights aspects of the aggression, Ms Yevheniia KRAVCHUK for her two-year work on how Russia weaponised culture, literature, education and language to erase national identity, Ms Yelyzaveta YASKO for underlining that sanctions do work but also loopholes to these sanctions do exist. And this is exactly how Russia manages to continue its war – the very war it unrolled.
The Rapporteurs are absolutely right and recommending that sanctions be enhanced, the list of sanctioned individuals increased and oil cap compliance strengthened.
Foreign companies and banks are to be encouraged to exit Russia. And I could not agree more with yet another reiterated call to seize and repurpose Russian frozen state assets. However, as a Ukrainian reading through these reports, I cannot but feel appalled.
The consequences of the aggression keep growing by the hour, not even by the day. It will soon be three years since the escalation of an almost 11-year war happening right here before our eyes. The myriad of resolutions we pass in this Assembly alone condemning Russia and prescribing actions amounts to several dozens by now. Each resolution is months of work from our colleagues, from the support staff and from the experts. Essentially, each resolution we adopt at every session for the past two years is a guidebook for action, but always less action is taken than is prescribed. And this is why I am so appalled.
We know, we speak, we condemn. And yet, more than 12 000 civilian deaths and the numbers are growing. Up to 8 000 prisoners of war and the numbers are growing. Twenty Ukrainian cities razed to the ground and the numbers are growing. More than 3 000 cities and villages are under occupation. Evacuation has been carried out and is carried out on gunpoint with guns going off and killing the innocent, the never-ending air-raid sirens by night and the attacks on the cities and towns, and the stolen future and also the stolen children of Ukraine. The erased past and the attempted genocide. Russia does it all and will continue to do so if we only continue to know, talk and condemn, rather than act, act, act and then act again.
I hope that these three reports and the recommendations therein will not only be adopted today but will also give that critical, necessary push for concrete action. The Rapporteurs have done their job, now it's up to us to vote and we will do so, and then up to our governments to do what is right and act firmly and unwaveringly, unanimously for peace for Ukraine, for humanity.
Slava Ukraini ("Glory to Ukraine" in Ukrainian).
San Marino, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
12:16:38
Thank you very much.
Thank you.
Next on the list is Mr Marek BOROWSKI.
The floor is yours.
We discussed in two days three very important and very interesting reports.
I chose the report concerning the sanctions, prepared by Ms Yelyzaveta YASKO. This excellent report is a kind of manual from which we can learn almost everything about sanctions, about their impact on the course of the war, and what needs to be done to make them more effective. The sanctions are more effective when, inter alia, they are applied uniformly by all countries.
Therefore, one should welcome the EU directive recently published containing the definition of the criminal offences for violation of sanctions as well as indications concerning the penalties related to the different kind of offences. The EU member states have 12 months to incorporate this provision into their national legislation. From this place, I appeal to all colleagues to exert pressure on your governments to accelerate this process. The adoption of this directive is a good step to fight against the value of violation and circumvention of sanctions. The European Parliament proposed the next step. The idea is to expand the powers of the European Public Prosecutor's Office to persecute not not only financial crimes but also the violation of sanctions. The adoption of such a solution could allow to operate throughout the European Union on the basis of uniform standards.
Dear colleagues, the sanctions are necessary. They weaken the Russian war machine, and they bring the end of the war closer. But sanctions alone will not force Putin to stop the aggression. The decisive role in achieving a just peace will be played by the heroism of the Ukrainian Army and the unyielding attitude of Ukrainian society. Therefore, we should aid and increase aid for Ukraine, because Putin and his new gloomy buddy Kim Jong Un make up the threat not only to Ukraine but to the entire free and democratic world.
San Marino, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
12:20:56
Thank you very much.
Now, next on the list is Ms Gwen BONIFACE.
The floor is yours.
Honourable colleagues,
The three reports under consideration in today’s joint debate cover a wide range of vital, overlapping issues related to Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine.
As much as I’d like to speak to all three, with my limited time today, I’ll focus on some of the legal and human rights aspects raised by Rapporteur Mr Davor Ivo STIER.
More specifically, I’ll focus on the unlawful transfer or deportation of Ukrainian children.
According to Ukraine’s Children of War platform, at least 19 546 Ukrainian children have been deported or forcibly displaced since February 2022. Many of these children, most of whom have ended up in Russia, have been subjected to re-education programs and forced adoptions. Some have been sexually abused, and fewer than 400 have been returned. If you haven’t had a chance to visit the Children of War platform’s website, please do. The faces, names, and dates of birth of these children personalise otherwise cold and anonymous statistics. I’m pleased that Canadian funding supported this initiative.
I should also mention that the Subcommittee on International Human Rights in the Canadian House of Commons heard from some of these children and their parents last year. Their testimony was heartbreaking and infuriating. I encourage you to read it.
Canada welcomed the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) decision to issue arrest warrants for Vladimir Putin and his Commissioner for Children’s Rights for, to quote our foreign affairs minister, their “alleged roles in the egregious scheme to deport Ukrainian children to Russia.”
I echo Rapporteur STIER’s report in “calling on all states to take note of the arrest warrants issued by the ICC and enforce them should any of the suspects come within their jurisdiction.”
The report, I note, also invites the ICC Prosecutor to consider examining the reported allegations of genocide against Ukrainians, specifically regarding the transfer of children. As the forcible transfer of children constitutes an act of genocide under the Rome Statute, that seems logical.
In conclusion, I’d also like to highlight the ongoing work of the International Coalition for the Return of Ukrainian Children, which launched in Kyiv last February and which Canada is co-chairing with Ukraine. The Coalition aims to improve information sharing, better align capacities, and improve our collective advocacy. All towards the ultimate objective of bringing Ukrainian children home to their families and to their communities and to Ukraine.
Thank you.
San Marino, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
12:24:14
Thank you very much.
And now the floor goes to Mr Axel SCHÄFER.
The floor is yours.
Ok, so the floor goes to Ms Mira NIEMINEN.
The floor is yours, sorry.
Mister President, dear colleagues,
We are living in extraordinary times in Europe. Russia's attack on Ukraine has fundamentally and permanently altered our operating environment. As Ukraine fights for its very existence and for our joint values, there is no indication that the situation is changing. In Finland, as elsewhere, we have had to view this matter very seriously. Finland’s recent foreign and security policy report considers the changed situation and future concerns more strongly than before.
The role of the state is to safeguard the country's independence and territorial integrity, as well as to protect citizens from various threats through national security and border control. We must secure before we can protect. Human rights are a central part of this.
Finland’s eastern border is 1 300 kilometres long. It is also the EU's and NATO's longest external border with Russia. Despite our preparedness, our national resources are limited in the face of this long border. Due to Russia's hostile and unpredictable behaviour, hybrid warfare, we must be even more prepared. As a result of instrumentalised migration, Finland's eastern border has now been closed for over six months. Air traffic is disrupted in the area, and airspace has been violated.
To prevent these actions, in these extremely difficult circumstances, our parliament is currently considering the implementation of a border law, which would apply in particularly exceptional and compelling circumstances. This would always require knowledge or a justified suspicion of influence from a foreign state directed at Finland, causing a serious threat to Finland's sovereignty and national security when other means are no longer sufficient. We must be prepared for Russia's pressure on Finland to continue long term and potentially take broader and more serious forms in the future.
Ukraine knows this all too well, with Russia as our neighbour, you must prepare for all scenarios. Russia’s attacks on Ukraine are very real and bloody, but hybrid means are also a part of Russia’s pallet. Their aim is to destabilise our societies, and in the worst case, turn on ourselves. This could also risk turning away our attention from Ukraine. To avoid this, we need to find ways to tackle hybrid attacks, such as instrumentalised migration, through EU-level co-operation.
San Marino, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
12:28:16
Thank you very much.
Now, Mr Reinhold LOPATKA.
The floor is yours.
Dear colleagues,
Thank you for these three reports and it is a wonderful coincidence that yesterday in Luxembourg the talks between Ukraine and the European Union started, and our newly elected Secretary General of the Council of Europe has in his programme as priority number one a free and sovereign Ukraine. And now we are discussing these three reports, I think it is important to continue with this discussion.
Since the beginning of the Russian Federation's large-scale aggression against Ukraine, the Council of Europe, and in particular, our Assembly have set an ambitious agenda to support Ukraine and its people and to ensure justice and accountability for all violations of international law committed.
And for me the Register of Damage for Ukraine, which was established in 2023 at the Reykjavík Summit, is very important. Although we know it will take time to deliver justice and reparation but this Register of Damage brings a new quality.
And some of us have said, by setting up a tribunal through an agreement with Ukraine, the Council of Europe would be acting only on behalf of its member states. It would be placing itself in the service of the international community as a whole in order to uphold the international legal order that was deliberately attacked by Russia.
I think we have to continue to strongly condemn all the other international crimes committed in the context of aggression, including war crimes and crimes against humanity.
And we should clearly support the transfer of all Russian assets as a completely valid legal option under international law as shown by many international law experts. This would be the best solution if you want to ensure compensation for all the damage caused to Ukraine as a consequence of the aggression and if we want to avoid placing an unfair burden on the taxpayers of our country. And this Register is an important step, and now we have it and we should use it. It is the biggest claim programme in history that is based on international law.
Thank you.
San Marino, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
12:31:25
Thank you very much.
And now next on the list is Mr Bjarni JÓNSSON.
The floor is yours.
I want to start by thanking all the rapporteurs for their valuable and important work.
All three reports deserve further debate and attention. But given the limited time I have for this debate I would like to focus on the excellent report of my dear colleague Ms Yevheniia KRAVCHUK on "Countering the erasure of cultural identity in war and peace".
Cultural cleansing is increasingly used by Russia as a weapon of war in Ukraine to deny the existence of a rich-tasting cultural identity and erase its historical roots, values, heritage, literature, traditions and language. Moreover, the relationship between heritage and identity is crucial when considering these issues.
The international recognition of cultural cleansing and erasure is of the utmost importance. The deliberate and systematic disruption of cultural heritage and looting of cultural property, as well as human rights violations, are crimes against humanity. They are war crimes and should be prosecuted as such.
Further, it is essential to determine the role that the policy of cultural erasure has as one of the inherent elements behind the intent to destroy a nation or any other group when committing genocide. We must address the critical challenges imposed by these systematic attacks, how we proceed in the most successful manner in documenting and prosecuting these war crimes, including the exploration of effective investigative and prosecutorial strategies.
Our task is vast but it is not insurmountable.
The first step was taken towards an international compensation mechanism for victims of the Russian aggression at the Reykjavík Summit, and we must ensure the success of that process. An important aspect of that is to ensure that all those working in registering the damages, collecting evidence and testimonies of witnesses, work in a standardised manner to ensure a strong case against the Russian regime.
UNESCO has been working on monitoring the situation on the ground, regularly updating statistics on educational institutions and cultural sites damaged. The monitoring and collection of evidence in Ukraine by the registry of damages and UNESCO is of unquestionable urgency. But we must also think about ways of working in harmony, ensuring that all evidence is collected in a standardised way. And we must think of how we can ensure a wider jurisdiction for the registration of damages and the tribunal that we must put in place.
Could you think of ways to join forces with UNESCO and the UN to broaden the co-operation and use the standardised work of the registry to ensure an encompassing application of the damages collected by UNESCO and other bodies?
San Marino, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
12:35:19
Thank you very much.
Now the the floor goes to Ms Anna-Kristiina MIKKONEN.
The floor is yours.
Mister Chairman,
Dear colleagues,
Following the illegal occupation of Crimea by the Russian Federation in 2014 and the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, conventional military targeting has been accompanied by a systematic Russian state-led policy of Russification of the occupied areas. Cultural cleansing is increasingly being used as a weapon of war in Ukraine and other conflicts to deny the existence of a different cultural identity and erase its historical roots, values, heritage, literature, traditions and language.
It is important to condemn all other international crimes committed in the context of aggression, including attempted genocide or public incitement to commit it, as well as numerous war crimes and crimes against humanity.
The war of aggression waged by the Russian Federation against Ukraine must stop, and all those responsible must be held accountable for the crimes they have committed. A wide range of legal, political and diplomatic measures are needed to stop the aggression. Strong measures are needed to reinforce the effectiveness of the sanctions regime.
In other parts of Europe too, Russia's actions are attempting to sow disunity and uncertainty. My home country of Finland, which shares a 1 300-kilometer border with Russia but is also the eastern external border of NATO and the EU, has been grappling with instrumental immigration since last autumn. Russia has organised large-scale immigration to its eastern border. The European legal system is not yet capable of dealing with instrumental immigration organised by another state.
We need to examine European law, legislation, and the functionality of human rights agreements in a situation where the state uses immigrants in a vulnerable position as a tool, in violation of international agreements. War, which calls into question the principle of international law, also challenges the Council of Europe to act.
Thank you for your attention.
San Marino, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
12:38:41
Thank you very much.
Now, next on the list is Ms Ināra MŪRNIECE.
The floor is yours.
Dear colleagues, I would like to thank the three rapporteurs for the work excellently done.
All three reports aim at a long-term assistance to Ukraine, which is the right direction.
But it's clear that what Ukraine needs today is victory, not just peace or just survival, because everything with just, just peace, just survival, leads to new aggressions from Russia.
Ukraine needs western support. Not until it is necessary, as there is still open question: who will determine what is and what is not necessary? But till the complete victory of Ukraine and beyond. By complete victory of Ukraine I mean regaining all territories currently occupied by Russia, including Crimea, as well as rebuilding of the country using Russian financial assets and contributions, establishing an international tribunal to bring all war criminals accountable.
Ukraine will need our full support and solidarity to carry out all necessary reforms and to heal all wounds of war. Especially those inflicted to its people.
Ukraine deserves prospects of becoming a fully-fledged member of western alliances. And I salute on starting Ukraine EU accession talks and urge to do the utmost to open doors of NATO for Ukraine.
Even on its path to the EU and the NATO, Ukraine makes this organisation stronger, more credible, and more idealistic in their judgements and actions.
The west should honour its promises as Ukraine is constantly bleeding in its fight against Russian hosts.
By this, Ukraine is protecting both the EU and NATO against Putin's aggression.
Supporting Ukraine we must see a very clear picture of Putin's Russia.
During the Cold War, the Berlin Wall separated western democracy from the brutality of the Soviet system.
Today we need a new iron wall to safeguard democracy from the constant hybrid attacks organised by Russia.
Putin's regime has declared that Ukraine as a sovereign state and Ukrainians as a nation, with its culture language and identity, must cease to exist.
I do believe that current Russia's regime, its ideology and sheer brutality, can be characterised by the term Ruszism, likewise Hitler's regime was Nazi regime.
Today we must contain and weaken Putin's regime, by new sanctions.
I hope the 15th package of sanctions will be adopted soon, but to impose sanctions properly Europe must overcome its greed.
But the most important element in this picture is still military support to Ukraine. As NATO takes responsibility of military deliveries to Ukraine, from the Ramstein Format, I hope it will broaden its boundaries by joining of South Korea, Japan, and other small active and visible participants.
While taking into consideration aspects of China, the possible outcome of forthcoming EU Presidential Elections, the political landscape in the EU, we must speed up all activities, as democracies are under threat. The rules-based international order and millions of Ukrainian lives are under this threat.
Slava Ukraini!
San Marino, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
12:42:50
Thank you very much.
Next on the list is Ms Zdravka BUŠIĆ.
The floor is yours
Thank you.
Thank you, Mister Chair.
Thank you. I think it works now.
I would like to join our colleagues in congratulating the rapporteur for his detailed and thorough report containing crucial facts and information on the legal and human rights aspects of the Russian aggression against Ukraine.
While addressing this very important and most crucial issue, we have to be very much aware of other threats that we are facing today. It is very clear that we are confronting new types of danger which should ring alarm bells. If we don't take them seriously enough, new crises may catch us by surprise.
It is obvious that there is ample evidence of Russia's meddling in other states' affairs without fearing consequences as if they are confident that our strength and decidedness will eventually wither away. It seems that they are not impressed with our expulsion and condemnation from our Organisation. Let us not have illusions. We must take them very seriously. We must make them pay for the consequences and for the damages that they inflicted on Ukraine and make them responsible for their actions. We must show them strength and further isolation from Russia, from all the relevant institutions.
As the rapporteur pointed out, it was in 2014, when Russia began its aggression against Ukraine. In 2022, a full-scale invasion was launched and from 2014 up to the invasion, Russia was a full member of the Council of Europe although they were suspended from voting rights on multiple occasions.
I dare to say that during that time, we took the situation too lightly, hoping that somehow conflict would be solved amicably and peacefully. After the full-scale invasion, the Council of Europe was swift, very swift in reacting and Russia was expelled from our Organisation with immediate effect.
Furthermore, this report also points out various political developments, which may cause uncertainty. In a way, it warns us that we can't afford to be complacent about our freedom and our security.
We have the capacity to act firmly and decisively, and let us do that. Only that will act as a true deterrent for the Russian aggressors.
Thank you.
San Marino, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
12:46:09
Thank you very much.
Now the floor goes to Mr Givi MIKANADZE.
The floor is yours.
Thank you, Mister President.
Dear colleagues,
Since Russia's illegal full-scale and unprovoked invasion of Ukraine, the international community has put in place an unprecedented level of sanctions. Unfortunately, it is irrelevant to see that Ms Yelyzaveta YASKO included Georgia together with several member states of the Council of Europe in an attached report of the resolution as a country through which Russia evades the sanctions.
Also, Georgia is not part of the implementation of sanctions. Three high officials, sanctions envoys, from the United States, the European Union, and the United Kingdom visited Georgia to assess if there is any circumvention of the sanctions. I will quote Mr David O'Sullivan, EU sanctions envoy, after the investigation he carried out in Georgia. He stated, and I am quoting, that "The Georgian authorities are taking very seriously the issue of not allowing this country to be used as a platform for circumvention. They have put in place significant measures of controlling the exports of possible export from Georgia of the most sensitive 38 products. The same is true across financial sanctions where they have put in place very close vigilance. We are frankly impressed with the measures which they have taken." As a final assessment, the three high officials have left the country with a general very positive impression that the Georgian authorities are making sure that Georgia is not used as a platform for circumvention of sanctions.
In addition, the Georgian Minister of Finance has informed society and partners that since imposing sanctions on Russia by Western countries, there has been no single case of violation. The Ministry has established a special unit responsible for monitoring of movement of goods and persons on the territory of Georgia, controlled by the central government. The Minister presented concrete figures proving Georgia's full commitment to preventing any attempt to circumvent sanctions. Particularly in the two years since the Russian aggression started in Ukraine, the customs tariffs has recorded over 1 800 cases of when goods and transportation where denied to pass via Georgia as well as in more than 1 000 cases there were customs service decisions on refusal to export or re-export goods as all these cases were the attempt to circumvent the sanctions. In line with the above-mentioned, all international partners and high-level officials who are directly in charge of monitoring the implementation of sanctions are recognising positive co-operation by Georgian authorities to prevent early circumvention of sanctions.
Thank you.
San Marino, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
12:49:42
Thank you.
Thank you very much.
Now, the floor goes to Ms Yuliia OVCHYNNYKOVA.
Dear Mister President,
Dear rapporteurs,
Ladies and gentlemen,
I want to start by sincerely thanking the rapporteurs for this really excellent work, Ms Yevheniia KRAVCHUK, Ms Yelyzaveta YASKO, Mr Davor Ivo STIER.
Since the occupation of Crimea and parts of the Donbas region by the Russian Federation in 2014, followed the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Russia has been systematically committing terrible crimes on the territory of Ukraine causing the biggest humanitarian catastrophe since the Second World War.
The Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe and the Council of Europe have clearly defined political and legal actions to put the Russian Federation to international criminal responsibility as the world criminal for this global humanitarian crisis and genocide.
International special tribunal, register of damages, damage compensation mechanism, transfer of frozen Russian state assets to international compensation fund for Ukraine and envision the leading rule of the Council of Europe. These are key principles for the justice and peace we have agreed together. Today's resolution reaffirms that.
Achieving a just and lasting peace for Ukraine depends on this accountability as peace must be founded on justice and international co-operation.
The first Summit on Peace in Ukraine in Switzerland in June 2024 noted that any peace process should adhere to the principle of a just and lasting peace as outlined in President Zelenskyy's peace formula.
We ask all members states to assist the Ukrainian authorities in our efforts to investigate such crimes by providing resources and expertise.
All together, in European and global solidarity, we have to make the Russian Federation fully compensate for the damage caused to Ukraine, our citizens, our land, our culture, our environment.
International mechanisms for reparation and an international register of damages are highly needed.
No one has the right to wage a war of aggression against a neighbour and undermine one of the basic principles of the United Nations Charter, the territorial integrity of states.
No one has the right to threaten the world with nuclear weapons.
No one has the right to undermine food, energy, or any other security of the world and its region.
No one has the right to kidnap the children of another nation.
No one has the right to undermine global peace.
So let's pull out the will of terrorists together and let rule of law and democracy bloom.
Thank you very much, and Slava Ukraini!
San Marino, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
12:52:45
Now the floor goes to Lord Don TOUHIG. The floor is yours.
Colleagues,
Vladimir Putin's act of aggression against Ukraine has not been witnessed in Europe since the early part of the last century. The invasion of Ukraine followed the most duplicitous act when Putin declared he had no intention of attacking that country almost at the time his troops crossed the border. The free and democratic nations of Europe must stand with the Ukrainian people against this aggression – this tyranny. A tyranny which has taken a free, liberated, newly democratic and progressive Russia – the Russia of Mikhail Gorbachev – taking it back to the dark days of Soviet times under Stalin. The awful suffering of the people of Ukraine is shown nightly on our television screens. Ruthless aggression, which is seen in the rape of women, the abduction of children and the slaughter of young and old alike, is a warning to all the freedom-loving people of Europe. The message is clear: resist this evil or we face the same. Yes, we must arm and support Ukraine in defence of its people and homeland, but I believe the battle is not so much with the Russian people: our battle is with the corrupt, evil criminals who have gained control of Russia.
The matters before us today are part of our defiance of that tyranny. The reports before us are weapons in our battle against these evil, corrupt gangsters who now run Russia as if they own it. We should not only freeze the gangsters' assets, we should seize their assets – their ill-gained wealth. Hit them, hit them where it hurts most. Take away the tyrants' wealth and we take away their power.
The reports show the free and democratic countries of Europe how we can help rebuild Ukraine and deter aggression in future. Let the people of Ukraine know and also let the freedom-loving people of Russia know, that we in this Council of Europe, stand for liberty, freedom and justice for all peoples and all nations. United in our purpose, we will secure liberty, freedom and justice and defeat tyranny in Europe. The proposals in the reports show us the way forward.
Let us, colleagues, embrace those proposals. Let us adopt them. More, let us act upon them.
San Marino, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
12:55:15
Thank you very much.
And now, before passing the floor, I want, if you don't mind, I take the chance to say goodbye to the Assembly after eight years. This is my last day, and I want to sincerely thank everyone.
Thank you very much.
And now, thank you, thank you very much, and now the floor goes to Mr Lulzim BASHA, the floor is yours.
He is not here, so, the floor goes to Mr Joseph O'REILLY.
Ok, the floor is yours.
Yes, Mister President.
The illegal occupation of Ukraine and the atrocities that go with it in terms of loss of life, of grievous injuries, the abduction of the children, the destruction of infrastructure, and the destruction of cultural heritage are combined to be the greatest contemporary crime internationally, a huge international crime, a huge wrong.
We support without reservation, without question, the independence, the sovereignty and the territorial integrity of Ukraine.
We condemn, the atrocities and the violations of human rights.
So the question arises, what specifically can be done?
The first thing to look at is the area of sanctions.
It is clear that, while the sanctions are impacting, and I gather our impacting more latterly than before, that they are not sufficiently comprehensive and that they are not sufficiently policed.
It's my understanding, I don't have the details, that the EU this week have turned their attention to dealing with this secondary exportation of liquefied gas to third countries, and it thus breaking the price and the export controls.
I think that we need to move there. I think we need to widen the sanctions, but very particularly we need to police the sanctions, and we need to see that they work in every country.
Parallel with very strong sanctions, and it beholds each of us to come here to this Assembly and be fit to say that we're doing enough in our own countries. Parallel with that, we do need as the first report by my colleague Mr Davor Ivo STIER points out, we do need an international tribunal.
The international tribunal should be set up with haste and with competence, and with concentration, and that should be going on at a pace. We need quick results on that, unquestionably.
We also need to deal with the question of the abduction of 20 000 children, which is a horror, and that's the ones we know about. To take that a number of those from institutions are being used as part of the war machine to be slaughtered on the front. Fighting against their own people and their own heritage is a horror beyond measure.
So let's attack this by going after the issue of the children. Let's beef up the sanctions, and let's work on them. Let's get the tribunal into place. We will be judged by our results, not by our words.
Thank you very much, President.
Greece, EPP/CD, President of the Assembly
12:59:49
Dear colleagues, now we have to suspend the list of speakers.
We will continue this afternoon at 4:30 p.m.
Before, I announce you the names of the newly elected... Because as far as I know, we have no need for a second round, we have elected judges.
I want to thank our dear colleague Mr Marco NICOLINI, who was chairing this morning.
Dear Mr Marco NICOLINI, it was a pleasure to have you with us for almost 8 years. It was a very fruitful period. A period that was very interesting as well.
Thank you for your excellent job, either as a member of different committees or as a vice-Chair of this Assembly. I know that somewhere up there is your wife and maybe your daughter. I want them to know that they should be proud of you, as we are, because we have met a man of ethics, a politician of ethics, and one who served rule of law, democracy and human rights the best way here in our Assembly.
I wish you all the best for the future.
Dear colleagues, I now have the honour to announce the results of the election of the judge to the European Court of Human Rights for Austria.
Total number of members voting, 153. Number of spoiled or blank ballot papers, 0. Number of valid votes, 77. Sorry, number of valid votes, 153. Absolute majority of the votes cast, 77.
The votes were cast as follows: 92 Mr András JAKAB, 31 Ms Ursula KRIEBAUM, 30 Ms Brigitte OHMS.
Mr JAKAB, having obtained an absolute majority of votes cast, is the elected judge of the European Court of Human Rights for a term of office of 9 years, which shall commence on 1 November 2024.
Elections of a judge to the European Court of Human Rights for Finland.
Total number of members voting, 154. Number of spoiled or blank ballot papers, 0. Absolute majority of the votes cast, 78.
The votes were cast as follows: 40 Mr Pekka AALTO, 25 Ms Satu HEIKKILA, 89 Mr Juha LAVAPURO.
Mr Lavapuro, having obtained an absolute majority of votes cast, is elected judge of the European Court of Human Rights for a term of office of 9 years which shall commence on 1 January 2025.
We congratulate you.
Elections of a judge to the European Court of Human Rights for Serbia.
Total number of members voting, 155. Number of spoiled or blank ballot papers, 0. Absolute majority of the votes cast, 78.
The votes were cast as follows: 105 Mr Mateja DUROVIĆ, 38 Mr Vladimir MARINKOV, 12 Ms Natasa PLAVSIĆ.
Mr DUROVIĆ, having obtained an absolute majority of votes cast, is elected judge of the European Court of Human Rights for a term of office of 9 years which shall commence not later than three months after his election.
We congratulate him.
As I said, the debate will continue this afternoon at 4:30 p.m. when we will hear the replies to the debate and consider the amendments tabled.
I would like to ask you all to be here, not only for the debate, of course, which is our priority, but for receiving the Olympic Flame, which for the first time in the 75 years of our Assembly, of our Council of Europe, will enter the hemicycle. It is an honour for us to receive the flame of peace, the flame of human rights, the flame of democracy.
I will see you all here in a few hours.
Thank you.
The sitting is adjourned.
