Observation of the early elections to the Assembly of Kosovo* (7 June 2026)
Election observation report
| Doc. 16480
| 15 September 2026
- Author(s):
- Ad hoc Committee of the Bureau
- Rapporteur :
- Mr Iulian BULAI,
Romania, ALDE
- Origin
- The report is drawn
up under the responsibility of the rapporteur.*Throughout
this document, all reference to Kosovo, whether to the territory,
institutions or population shall be understood in full compliance
with United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244 and without prejudice to the status of Kosovo. 2026 - Fourth part-session
1 Introduction
1. Following the elections to
the Assembly of Kosovo held on 28 December 2025, the Self-Determination Party
(Vetëvendosje, LVV) of Prime Minister Albin Kurti won a majority
of seats. However, the political parties failed to elect the President
of Kosovo within the constitutional deadline. As a result, the Assembly
was dissolved on 28 April 2026. On 5 May 2026, Kreshnik Radoniqi,
Chairperson of the Central Election Commission (CEC), invited the
Parliamentary Assembly to observe the early parliamentary elections scheduled
for 7 June 2026.
2. The Bureau of the Assembly set up a cross-party ad hoc committee
of eleven members to observe the elections and appointed me as Chairperson
of the Delegation and Ms Maria Syrengela (Greece, EPP/CD) as Vice-Chairperson.
The composition of the ad hoc committee (referred to as the “PACE
delegation”) is outlined in Appendix 1. The Parliamentary Assembly
was the only international organisation observing these elections.
3. The PACE delegation was in Kosovo from 4 to 8 June 2026. During
its two-day briefings (see Appendix 2), the delegation met with
the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs and Diaspora, the Chairperson
of the CEC, the Chairperson of the Electoral Complaints and Appeals
Panel (ECAP), the Chairperson of the Independent Media Commission,
leaders and representatives of political parties, representatives
of the international community, civil society and media representatives,
as well as ambassadors and chargés d’affaires of countries represented
in the delegation and from the Quint countries. After election day,
the delegation published a statement (Appendix 3).
4. The PACE delegation welcomed the orderly and smooth conduct
of the elections, which took place without major incidents. It noted,
however, the context of widespread voter frustration and fatigue,
which was reflected in a subdued campaign and a significant decline
in voter turnout. The delegation urged all elected representatives
to engage in genuine constructive dialogue to promptly elect the
President and advance the country's democratic processes.
5. The PACE delegation expresses its appreciation to the Kosovo
authorities, the Council of Europe Office in Pristina, and all electoral
stakeholders who met with the delegation. It also thanks the civil
society representatives who contributed to the mission's work. With
limited international election observation, the role of domestic
observers proved essential. The findings and reports of Democracy
in Action (DiA)
Note –
a civil society coalition – and other NGOs informed the preparation
of this report.
2 Political
context
6. The political crisis leading
to the June 2026 elections was rooted in the failure of the Assembly
to elect a President of Kosovo within the constitutional deadline.
According to the Constitution, the Assembly is required to elect
a President 30 days before the incumbent’s term ends. President
Vjosa Osmani-Sadriu’s mandate expired on 5 April 2026. The election
of the President requires a majority of all 120 Assembly members
(80 votes) in the first and second rounds (a simple majority in
the third round between the two candidates who received the highest
number of votes in the second round). However, following a 2012
ruling of the Constitutional Court, a two-thirds quorum is required
for the first and second rounds of voting.
7. Incumbent President Vjosa Osmani-Sadriu sought a second term,
but her candidature was not supported by LVV this time. A member
of Adem Jashari’s family (a symbol of the Kosovo Albanian struggle
for independence) declined Mr Kurti’s invitation to run for the
position of President. The ruling party and the opposition then
disagreed over who should be put forward as a candidate. LVV considered
that its electoral win entitled it to nominate two candidates from
within its own ranks, namely Foreign Minister Glauk Konjufca and
LVV MP Fatmire Mulhaxha Kollcaku. The opposition, on the other hand,
insisted that the President should be a consensual figure and argued
that the ruling party should not hold all major political offices
– specifically the President of the Assembly, the Prime Minister,
and the President of Kosovo. A round of negotiations, in which Mr Kurti
offered the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) a government partnership
with LVV and other partners, including the posts of deputy prime
minister, foreign minister and three other ministries, proved unsuccessful.
8. Following these unsuccessful discussions, opposition parties
boycotted a key session, denying a quorum and stalling the vote.
On 5 March, President Osmani dissolved the Assembly, but the Constitutional Court
ruled that this dissolution had no legal effect and gave the Assembly
34 more days to elect a president. The Assembly missed the 28 April
deadline, triggering automatic dissolution and new elections within
45 days. Since the expiration of President Osmani's mandate, Albulena
Haxhiu (LVV), elected President of the Assembly on 11 February 2026,
has served as acting President.
9. The main political parties competing in the June 2026 elections
were: Vetëvendosje (LVV); the Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK);
the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK); the Alliance for the Future
of Kosovo (AAK); the Social Democratic Initiative (NISMA); and Srpska
Lista, the main party representing the Kosovo Serb community and
closely aligned with the Serbian Government. In the December 2025
elections, LVV had won 51.10% of the vote (57 seats), PDK 20.19%
(22 seats), LDK 13.24% (15 seats), and AAK 5.50% (6 seats).
10. Citizens were called to the polls for the third time in sixteen
months, following the elections of 9 February 2025 and 28 December
2025. The campaign was characterised by lower levels of civic mobilisation
and a widespread perception that the elections were more likely
to prolong the political crisis than to resolve the institutional
deadlock. This sentiment was ultimately confirmed by a dramatic
decline in voter turnout.
11. The previous elections saw an investigation into an alleged
large-scale manipulation of preferential votes discovered by the
CEC in December 2025, prompting PACE to conduct a post-election
mission in April 2026. The delegation recalls that these investigations
must be completed promptly and transparently, those responsible
identified and brought to justice, and structural measures taken
to prevent recurrence. The credibility of Kosovo's electoral administration
depends on the justice system's ability and willingness to address
such abuses effectively. The delegation was informed by the Chairperson
of the CEC that additional oversight measures had been put in place
in the counting centres. An automatic recount (of about 8% of all ballot
papers) would be conducted to check whether discrepancies were detected,
in which case a full recount would be undertaken.
12. Ahead of the 7 June 2026 elections, seven people were arrested
in Gračanica/Graçanicë on suspicion of violation of the principle
of free voting, following complaints by Kosovo Serbs who reported
feeling intimidated by Srpska Lista representatives in Kosovo in
connection with their employment in the so-called Serbia-funded
“parallel institutions”, notably health clinics, schools and municipal
administrations. EULEX expressed serious concern, noting that the
arrests appeared to have preceded the investigation and that proving
voter influence would be difficult, assessing the arrests as potentially
politically motivated. Daily protests were held in Gračanica/Graçanicë,
Lipjan/Lipljan and Sushicë/Sušica. The episode highlighted the continuing
fragility of inter-community relations and the tensions surrounding
the Serb community's participation in Kosovo's electoral processes.
3 Electoral framework,
campaign and media environment
3.1 Legal framework
13. The 7 June 2026 elections were
conducted under the same legal framework as the December 2025 elections,
with no amendments to primary electoral legislation. The legal framework,
electoral system, core procedures and mechanisms for the protection
of voting rights remained unchanged. The legal framework as a whole,
including the persistent shortcomings identified in earlier PACE
reports – concerning campaign finance transparency, media ownership
disclosure, the strengthening of electoral administration and the protection
of out-of-country voting – has been examined in detail in the PACE
election observation report on the December 2025 elections (
Doc. 16380). To recall a few main features of Kosovo’s electoral
system:
- The Assembly of Kosovo
(Kuvendi i Kosovës) comprises 120 seats, with representatives elected
every four years through a proportional representation system with
open lists. Kosovo uses a single national electoral district, with
a 5% threshold of the total vote required for parties to gain representation.
Non-majority communities are guaranteed 20 reserved seats: ten are
allocated to representatives of the Kosovo Serb community, while
the remaining ten are divided among other non-majority groups as follows:
3 seats for the Bosniak community, 2 seats for the Turkish community,
1 seat each for the Gorani, Roma, Ashkali, and Egyptian communities,
and 1 additional seat awarded to either the Roma, Ashkali, or Egyptian
community based on which group’s list receives the highest level
of support.
- Voters select a party list and can also indicate their
preferred individual candidates on the same list, with up to ten
preferential votes allowed. These preferential votes are counted
at the municipal counting centres, which serve a dual function:
they verify the party-level results forms completed at polling stations
after the ballots are counted, and they enter the candidate preferences
into the results system.
- Out-of-country voting is provided for by the Law on General
Elections, as amended in 2023 and further detailed in the 2024 regulations.
14. The present report therefore limits itself to noting the regulatory
changes adopted by the CEC ahead of these elections and the new
concerns they raised. In the period leading up to the elections,
the CEC adopted amendments to four electoral regulations: on out-of-country
voting, the administration of the Counting and Results Centre, voting
and counting procedures at polling stations, and the regulation
of election observation. Most amendments were technical and drew
lessons from recent processes.
15. However, Electoral Regulation No. 04/2026 on Election Observers
raised serious concerns: by substantially expanding documentation
and information requirements for civil society organisations seeking accreditation
and granting the CEC new discretionary assessment powers not clearly
derived from the Law on General Elections, it created barriers to
independent observation and raised concerns regarding legal certainty and
predictability. In practice, last-minute changes to the regulation
complicated the accreditation of civil society observers ahead of
election day. Additionally, the CEC adopted a decision allowing
out-of-country voters to use expired identification documents, which
was subsequently annulled by the ECAP as inconsistent with the applicable
legal framework.
3.2 Election administration,
voter and candidates registration, out-of-country voting
16. Despite tight deadlines, the
elections were technically well organised. The CEC successfully
carried out the vast majority of electoral operations within the
prescribed timelines: compilation of the voters' list (2 092 174 eligible
voters, 15 884 more than in December 2025), certification of political
entities and candidates, organisation of voting within and outside
Kosovo, appointment of election officials and online publication
of results. Unlike previous processes, the CEC's work was characterised
by fewer political disputes and a more functional, consensus-based
decision-making process. The CEC operated with one vacant seat due
to a dispute over which political party should receive the additional
seat allocated by the President.
17. A persistent structural weakness concerns the four Serb-majority
municipalities in the North. The CEC again failed to appoint regular
municipal election officers in these municipalities. The positions
were filled by Kosovo Albanian officials from the Ministry of Internal
Affairs with limited Serbian-language skills, appointed through
a written procedure. The delegation was told by the authorities
that candidates from non-majority communities did not meet the eligibility
criteria to be members of the municipal election officers. While
this enabled the conduct of electoral operations, it does not constitute
a sustainable solution. Equitable ethnic representation in local
election commissions, particularly in municipalities with non-majority
communities, remains an outstanding recommendation.
18. Candidate registration was conducted inclusively. After the
11-day submission window, 23 entities applied – 18 parties, 3 coalitions,
1 civic initiative and 1 independent – nominating 917 candidates
(603 men, 314 women). The CEC deserves credit for the inclusive
certification of all party and candidate lists, including those
submitted by the main Kosovo Serb party. Candidates were vetted
under Article 30 of the Law on General Elections. The Kosovo Institute
for Law noted that 25 certified candidates were involved in criminal cases.
An appeal by Srpska Lista against the certification of the “For
Freedom, Justice and Survival” list for seats reserved for Kosovo
Serbs was rejected by both the ECAP and the Supreme Court. The courts determined
that the Constitution reserves these seats for parties that declare
they represent the Kosovo Serb community, not necessarily for individuals
who are ethnic Serbs. On 4 August 2026, Srpska Lista announced that
it had appealed the Supreme Court's decision to the Constitutional
Court.
19. The reduction in the number of complaints registered by the
CEC and ECAP signals genuine administrative progress compared to
previous elections. Electoral dispute resolution mechanisms functioned effectively,
with ECAP and the Supreme Court adjudicating complaints within legally
prescribed deadlines and demonstrating a high degree of professionalism
and consistency. As of 5 June, ECAP had received 17 complaints,
issued 9 decisions (5 upheld, 4 rejected) and imposed fines totalling
12 100 euros, a positive trend compared to previous processes. The
ECAP decision to fine LVV 6 000 euros for the participation of children in
two election rallies in Podujevë/Podujevo and Lipjan, following
complaints lodged by the NGO Kosovo Democratic Institute, was upheld
by the Supreme Court, which stated that the responsibility of the
political entity is not excluded by the fact that the minors were
accompanied by their parents or by whether the initiative for participation
came from the minors themselves.
20. Out-of-country voting continues to be a significant component
of Kosovo's electoral process, reflecting the large diaspora's commitment
to political participation. For the June 2026 elections, a record
142 000 applications were received, with 131 800 voters registered
– the highest number since 2021. Of these, 100 522 registered to
vote by post, 3 502 via the CEC mailbox in Kosovo, and 27 776 in
person at diplomatic missions. In-person voting at 30 diplomatic
missions (47 polling stations) took place on 6 June 2026, with 22
860 of the 27 776 registered voters casting ballots, representing
a turnout of 82.46%.
21. Unlike previous electoral processes, out-of-country voting
was not accompanied by major political disputes. However, several
concerns persisted. The CEC's decision to allow voter identification
using expired identification documents was annulled by ECAP as contrary
to applicable law, yet instances of voters using expired IDs were
still observed on election day at 28.6% of polling stations, indicating
inconsistent enforcement. Moreover, photographs and videos showing
marked ballots were posted on social media, raising concerns regarding
ballot secrecy and the integrity of out-of-country voting, including
the possibility of organised or influenced voting. The State Prosecutor
and Kosovo Police received reports of such cases and initiated investigations.
The PACE delegation reiterates the need to strengthen safeguards
for ballot secrecy and to review the modalities of out-of-country
voting to guarantee electoral integrity.
3.3 Campaign environment
and financing
22. The ten-day campaign (28 May
– 7 June 2026) was conducted in a competitive and generally calm environment,
with no serious incidents. However, it was characterised by an unusual
degree of subdued activity: lower civic mobilisation, limited participation
in public events, recycled political offerings, and a lack of substantive
debate on policy proposals. Campaign messaging focused primarily
on economic and social issues – wage and pension increases, social
assistance, infrastructure and energy – with little detail on costs, financing
or implementation plans. The campaign was dominated by party leaders
and large-scale rallies, with few direct exchanges with citizens
or head-to-head debates.
23. A key concern identified by the PACE delegation and domestic
observers was the unequal playing field. The caretaker government
made decisions, on the eve of the elections, to provide one-off
financial payments to various categories of citizens and to subsidise
airline routes for the diaspora. The timing of these measures was
widely perceived as intended to benefit the ruling party. The PACE
delegation heard from several interlocutors that these decisions
constituted a misuse of administrative resources and blurred the
line between public policy and electoral interests. Such conduct
gives an advantage to incumbents and undermines the perception of
fair competition, even when the decisions may have an arguable public-interest
justification.
24. The absence of direct debates between candidates for Prime
Minister was particularly notable. This limited voters' ability
to compare political alternatives through direct exchange and deprived
the campaign of substantive democratic content. Political discourse
was more moderate than in recent elections, though instances of
inflammatory language, labelling and personal attacks were observed.
25. Campaign finance transparency remains an area requiring significant
improvement. DiA monitored political party spending on social media
advertising and identified expenditure exceeding 100 000 euros on Meta
platforms during the final week of the campaign alone. Political
parties' post-election financial reports will be assessed against
these figures. The legal framework governing party and campaign
financing – including the transparency of financial transactions
and the declaration of assets by candidates – remains insufficiently robust,
as noted in previous PACE recommendations. Civil society organisations
should be guaranteed access to the detailed financial transactions
of political parties, and the CEC should have adequate powers and resources
to enforce financial disclosure requirements.
3.4 Disinformation,
online campaigning and foreign interference
26. Artificial intelligence (AI)
was increasingly weaponised for political disinformation during
the campaign. Dozens of AI-generated images, manipulated videos
and fabricated statements targeting candidates from across the political
spectrum flooded social media. The fact-checking platform Krypometer
reported fabricated posts depicting candidates as religious extremists,
foreign agents or persons of dubious moral character. Such content
targeted candidates from all major parties, including LVV, LDK,
PDK and AAK. DiA monitoring identified 56 online incidents in the
first five days of the campaign alone, of which 35 constituted hate
speech, with almost half targeting women politicians. In this context,
the role of ECAP in protecting public discourse from hate speech
was praised by interlocutors, as was the independence of its judges.
27. Women politicians were disproportionately targeted. Former
President Vjosa Osmani was among the frequent targets of AI-driven
falsehoods and online abuse. The PACE delegation notes with serious
concern that women in public life are increasingly subjected to
digital violence, including image manipulation, deepfakes, blackmail
and sexist language. Proposed amendments to the Criminal Code to
criminalise cyberviolence, introduced in 2024, have not been adopted,
leaving an important legislative gap.
28. The PACE delegation received several reports of interference
from Belgrade seeking to influence the vote of Kosovo Serbs in favour
of a specific party. Its extent and impact on the election results
were assessed as limited though. However, this remains a matter
of particular concern: the integrity of the vote for community-reserved
seats depends on voters being able to exercise free choice, free
from external pressure. Kosovo has limited institutional capacity
to address these threats effectively, and the absence of adequate
responses to remove harmful content remains a structural gap. The
delegation calls for stronger co-operation between electoral authorities,
media regulators, digital platforms and civil society to address
disinformation and foreign interference in a rights-compliant manner.
29. Social media served as one of the main channels of political
communication. DiA monitored approximately 500 social media profiles,
including the official accounts of the main political parties and
all their candidates. During the final week of the campaign alone,
sponsored content expenditure exceeding 100 000 euros was identified
on Meta platforms. The campaign confirmed the growing importance
of online platforms in electoral competition, while also highlighting
persistent challenges related to transparency of digital advertising
and the dissemination of unverified information. Around 6% of comments
on 152 monitored portals contained hateful content.
3.5 Media environment
30. Kosovo's media landscape is
diverse. The delegation met with the Chairperson of the Independent Media
Commission (IMC) and representatives of the Radio Television of
Kosovo (RTK), the Association of Kosovo Journalists, Kosova Press
and the media fact-checking organisation Hibrid. Overall, the media provided
political contestants with broad opportunities to present their
programmes. DiA monitoring did not identify any systematic restrictions
on political contestants’ access to major media outlets.
31. However, important shortcomings were noted. Media coverage
and public debates frequently focused on campaign dynamics and political
rhetoric rather than on analysing policy programmes and concrete proposals.
Media formats often featured single-party or single-candidate shows,
with few direct debates between contestants. Participation in television
debates was roughly 80% men and 20% women, reflecting the broader
marginalisation of women in campaign communication. No direct debate
between candidates for Prime Minister took place, which the PACE
delegation considers a significant democratic deficit.
32. The PACE delegation received reports of AI-generated videos,
misinformation and fake accounts that could influence voters' informed
decision making and expressed serious concern about Kosovo's limited institutional
capacity to address these threats and the lack of adequate responses
to remove harmful content. Legislation on media ownership disclosure
has not yet been adopted, a longstanding recommendation of PACE
and international observers. The IMC's role in addressing online
content remains limited. These gaps must be addressed as a matter
of priority.
33. The campaign unfolded in an overall context marked by a pluralistic
media landscape, low levels of physical violence against journalists,
and broad legislative alignment with European and international standards,
but also by a clear decline in media freedom. This decline resulted
from the adoption of a media law – later rejected as unconstitutional
– which would have increased political control over the IMC, the
insufficient funding of, and pressure on, RTK, as well as a sustained
increase in the verbal targeting and denigration of journalists
by ruling party politicians. These are the principal factors behind
this assessment, as noted recently by the
European
Platform for Journalists.
3.6 Inclusivity in
the electoral process
34. Women's representation showed
limited progress. Of 917 certified candidates, 314 were women (34%), slightly
above the legal minimum of 30% on party lists, and broadly consistent
with the December 2025 elections. However, women's presence in televised
debates and media coverage remained significantly lower than that
of men – approximately 20% of TV debate participants. Women's representation
at the mayoral level remains strikingly low: only one of over 200
mayoral candidates in the October 2025 local elections was a woman
elected as mayor. The PACE delegation notes the inconsistency between
the Law on Gender Equality, which requires at least 50% representation,
and the Law on General Elections, which requires only 30% on candidate
lists; this matter has been referred to the Constitutional Court
by the Ombudsperson but has not yet been resolved.
35. Accessibility for voters with disabilities remained inadequate.
Approximately 19% of polling centres did not provide adequate conditions
for easy access by persons with physical disabilities, limiting
their ability to vote independently and with dignity. The delegation
welcomes the introduction – for the first time – of the possibility
for voters aged 80 and above to vote from home, as a positive step
towards more inclusive voting arrangements, but urges that physical
accessibility at polling stations be addressed more systematically.
4 Election Day
36. On election day, PACE teams
were deployed across Pristina and 17 other locations throughout
Kosovo, namely Gjakova/Đakovica, Gjilan/Gnjilane, Gračanica/Graçanicë,
Kamenicë/Kamenica, Klinë/Klina, Leposavić/Leposaviq, Lipjan/Lipljan,
Mamushë/Mamuša, Theranda/Suva Reka, Mitrovica, Severna Mitrovica/Mitrovicë
e Veriut, Mitrovicë e Jugut/Južna Mitrovica, Parteš/Partesh, Pejë/Peć,
Podujevë/Podujevo, Prizren and Ranilug/Ranillug.
37. In the limited number of polling stations observed, the PACE
delegation found the elections to have been conducted smoothly and
professionally. Electoral officers demonstrated competence, and
the atmosphere was calm and orderly, with polling stations effectively
managed by representatives of both majority and non-majority communities.
The delegation commends the CEC and polling station staff for the
overall orderly management of election day.
38. Language difficulties caused by the inadequate representation
of the community forming the majority in certain municipalities
created friction in a small number of polling stations. Municipal
election officers in the four northern, Serb-majority municipalities
lacked adequate Serbian-language skills. Electoral materials should
be fully accessible in both official languages and in other non-majority
languages, in accordance with the Law on the Use of Languages.
39. DiA observers found that polling stations opened on time in
the vast majority of cases: only 1.6% opened late, primarily due
to absent polling staff or equipment issues. Problems related to
camera functioning or placement were reported in 2% of polling stations,
in some cases raising concerns regarding ballot secrecy.
40. One of the most widespread issues on election day was voters'
difficulty in locating their assigned polling station, reported
in approximately two-thirds of polling stations, though the number
of cases was limited in most instances. Ballot photographing was
reported in 39 cases. Instances of voters being present behind the
voting screen in small groups were reported in 15.8% of polling
stations. The use of expired identification documents was observed
at 28.6% of polling stations, despite the ECAP ruling. A positive
development was the significant reduction in assisted voting, attributed
to stricter enforcement of applicable rules, representing a concrete improvement
in the integrity of the vote compared to previous elections.
41. Closing was generally orderly: 93.2% of polling stations closed
between 19:00 and 19:15, and voters still in line at closing time
were generally allowed to vote. DiA observed the counting of votes
at municipal counting centres, while 100 field observers, supported
by legal expert teams, monitored the counting and results centre. Measures
taken to prevent manipulation in the counting of preferential votes
– a significant problem in the December 2025 elections – were noted
by the PACE delegation. The presence of domestic election observers at
municipal counting centres is seen as key to safeguarding electoral
transparency and integrity at this critical stage.
42. Voter turnout (37,03%) was significantly lower than in recent
Assembly’s elections, compared to approximately 45% in December
2025 and 46.44% in February 2025.
5 International
and domestic election observation
43. The CEC accredited a total
of 16 549 observers: 14 931 for 15 political entities; 796 from
13 local NGOs; 130 from four international organisations (i.e. PACE,
the International Observers Program, the Institut de Coopération
et Développement and the National Democratic Institute); 457 from
39 local media; 78 from 23 international media; 90 from 6 diplomatic
missions; and 67 from one local institution.
44. Democracy in Action (DiA), an umbrella civil society organisation,
deployed approximately 750 volunteers, including 500 stationed observers,
50 mobile observers and 50 at the Data Centre, providing the most
comprehensive domestic observation coverage of the process. The
delegation commends DiA's professionalism and commitment and stresses
that independent domestic observation is an irreplaceable safeguard
of democratic integrity.
45. However, the new CEC Regulation on Election Observers (No.
04/2026) raised concerns. By expanding accreditation criteria and
granting the CEC discretionary assessment powers beyond those established
by law, it created unnecessary barriers to independent observation.
Last-minute changes to the regulation also caused practical difficulties
for civil society organisations seeking accreditation. The delegation
calls on the authorities to review this regulation to ensure that
the legal framework fully enables, rather than restricts, independent domestic
election observation at all stages of the process, including the
counting of preferential votes.
6 Post-electoral
outlook
46. Following the counting of postal
votes, conditional ballots and ballots cast by voters with special
needs, Vetëvendosje (LVV) remained the strongest political force
in the Assembly, securing 382 865 votes, or 47.13% of the total,
and 53 seats. The Kosovo Democratic Party (PDK) maintained 22 seats
with 157 893 votes, or 19.44%, while the Democratic League of Kosovo
(LDK), joined by former President Vjosa Osmani, gained three seats.
Votes cast in diplomatic missions overwhelmingly favoured LVV, which
received 83.28% of the votes cast in diplomatic missions and 72,94%
of postal votes: votes from the diaspora have contributed an additional
five seats to Vetevendosje.
Note
47. On 27 June, the CEC announced the final results, stating that
the recount of 185 polling stations had revealed only minor discrepancies,
mainly due to the recategorisation of ballots or human error, and
did not justify further recounts. However, several complaints were
filed with the ECAP, including by PDK candidates Bekim Haxhiu and
Qëndrim Kryeziu, who challenged the accuracy of the results and
requested a full recount. Srpska Lista also contested the results,
alleging irregularities affecting mandates reserved for the Serb community,
while the New Democratic Party (NDS) filed two further complaints
concerning alleged voting irregularities.
48. On 8 July, the CEC certified the results of the elections
after the Supreme Court rejected the five appeals. The results are
as follows:
|
Party
|
9 February 2025
|
28 December 2028
|
7 June 2026
|
| |
Percentage
of votes
|
Seats
|
Percentage
of votes
|
Seats
|
Percentage
of votes
|
Seats
|
|
Vetëvendosje (LVV)
|
42,30 %
|
48
|
51,10%
|
57
|
47.13%
|
53
|
|
Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK)
|
20,95 %
|
24
|
20,19%
|
22
|
19.24%
|
22
|
|
Democratic League of
Kosovo (LDK)
|
18,27 %
|
20
|
13,24%
|
15
|
16,69%
|
18
|
|
Alliance for the Future
of Kosovo (AAK)
|
7,06 %
|
8
|
5,50%
|
6
|
6.74%
|
7
|
|
Srpska Lista
|
4.26%
|
9
|
4,49%
|
9
|
5.2%
|
9
|
|
For Freedom, Justice
and Survival
|
0.44%
|
1
|
0.51%
|
1
|
0.67%
|
1
|
|
Turkish Democratic Party
of Kosovo
|
0.51%
|
1
|
0,57%
|
2
|
0.70%
|
2
|
|
Vakat Coalition
|
0.37%
|
1
|
0.42%
|
1
|
0,48%
|
1
|
|
New Democratic Party
(NDS)
|
0.44%
|
1
|
0.41%
|
1
|
0,33%
|
1
|
|
New Democratic Initiative
of Kosovo
|
0.50%
|
1
|
0.29%
|
1
|
0,43%
|
1
|
|
Social Democratic Union
|
0.32%
|
1
|
0.27%
|
1
|
0,33%
|
1
|
|
Egyptian Liberal Party
|
0.35%
|
1
|
0.24%
|
1
|
0,27%
|
1
|
|
Ashkali Social Democratic
Party
|
0.23%
|
1
|
0.22%
|
1
|
0,32%
|
1
|
|
Unique Gorani Party
|
0.18%
|
1
|
0.16%
|
1
|
0,20%
|
1
|
|
Progressive Movement
of Kosovar Roma (United Roma party of Kosovo)
|
|
1
|
0.12%
|
1
|
0,11%
|
1
|
|
TOTAL
|
|
120
|
100%
|
120
|
100%
|
120
|
49. Under the Constitution, a constitutive
session of the National Assembly must be held within 30 days of certification,
during which the Speaker and five Deputy Speakers are to be elected.
The Assembly was convened on 6 August. It has 60 days to elect a
President.
50. The newly elected Assembly, however, faced significant delays
in its constitution, missing the 7 August deadline set for full
formation. Despite an initial meeting called for 6 August by Albulena
Haxhiu, acting President (formerly President of the Assembly), extended
coalition talks between LVV and LDK failed, in part due to internal
LDK dissent which resulted in an attempted but failed no-confidence
vote. On 7 August, acting Prime Minister Kurti requested a suspension
of the session for further negotiations on securing broader political support,
particularly in view of the agreement required to elect the President.
This move provoked strong reactions from opposition parties, including
disruptive incidents. On 31 August, LVV and LDK agreed on a presidential
candidate: Bekim Sejdiu, a former judge of the Constitutional Court,
former diplomat, and former adviser to then-President Vjosa Osmani.
This is a positive signal. However, until now, the Assembly has
not reconvened, breaching both the 30-day constitutional deadline
and procedural rules requiring sessions every 48 hours until full
constitution. Concerns over the stalemate have prompted public appeals
from intellectuals (12 August) and formal legal action by NGOs,
who have sought Constitutional Court intervention. If the deadlock
persists and a President is not elected within the constitutional
deadlines, the Assembly shall be dissolved and new elections must
be called within 45 days.
7 Conclusions and
recommendations
51. The early parliamentary elections
of 7 June 2026 were conducted in a calm, orderly and professional manner,
without major incidents. The CEC administered the elections effectively,
electoral dispute resolution mechanisms functioned well, and voters
were able to exercise their right to vote freely. The delegation commends
the people of Kosovo for their continued commitment to democracy
under difficult circumstances.
52. At the same time, the elections revealed persistent structural
challenges: an unequal playing field resulting from the misuse of
administrative resources by the caretaker government; voter fatigue
and declining turnout; a campaign lacking substantive policy debate
and direct exchanges between leading candidates; growing threats
from AI-generated disinformation, hate speech and digital violence;
inadequate protection for women candidates in the online environment;
and continuing shortcomings in accessibility, out-of-country voting
safeguards and ethnic representation in election administration.
These challenges must be addressed comprehensively and without further
delay.
53. The dramatic decline in voter turnout – from around 44-47%
in recent elections to approximately 37% – sends a clear signal
of public disillusionment with the political class's inability to
compromise; it should be a wake-up call for all political actors.
Democracy requires coalition building, not zero-sum victories. If
elections are perceived as leading to the same stalemate, public
confidence in the political process may weaken. The PACE delegation
urged all parties to engage in genuinely constructive dialogue,
put the country's democratic stability above short-term partisan
interests, and advance Kosovo's Euro-Atlantic path.
54. While these elections slightly changed the political balance
in the Assembly, they did not substantially alter the political
arithmetic: the election of the President of Kosovo, a constitutional
imperative that demands a qualified two-thirds majority, requires
political compromise. Elections alone cannot resolve a deeper political deadlock.
Vetëvendosje/LVV remains the strongest force, but without a clear
governing majority, while the main opposition parties also failed
to create an obvious alternative majority. This suggests that Kosovo’s political
crisis is not simply electoral, but institutional and related to
the functioning of the political parties: repeated elections may
reproduce the same balance of power unless parties become more willing
to negotiate, compromise and form stable coalitions.
55. On the positive side, the decrease in electoral complaints
and the smooth counting process – with the CEC’s recount of 185
polling stations reportedly finding only minor discrepancies, mainly
linked to human error or the reclassification of ballots – show
that the electoral administration, supported by appeal procedures carried
out by ECAP and the Supreme Court, is key to fostering trust in
the electoral process. These electoral dispute resolution mechanisms
should be strengthened.
56. The key challenge is therefore not only to organise credible
elections, but also to ensure that the results can produce functional
institutions. The period after certification – including the election
of the Assembly Speaker, Deputy Speakers and President – is crucial.
If political parties remain unable to reach agreement, Kosovo risks
entering another cycle of institutional paralysis, coalition bargaining
and possible early elections. The persistence of an institutional
vacuum and consecutive elections is damaging to democratic governance, public
trust and Kosovo's Euro-Atlantic aspirations.
57. Recalling the previous recommendations made by PACE observers
which remain valid, the PACE delegation recommends that the competent
authorities of Kosovo undertake the following measures, in consultation
with the European Commission for Democracy through Law (Venice Commission)
and other relevant Council of Europe bodies:
57.1 Election administration and legal framework
- Ensure the de-politicisation
of the CEC so that the election management body not only acts impartially
but is also perceived as impartial by all electoral stakeholders.
- Improve the continuous education and training of election
officials, commissioners and polling station workers.
- Update the voters list on the basis of accurate and current
data, ensuring timely removal of ineligible persons.
- Ensure equitable ethnic representation in local and municipal
election commissions, especially in municipalities with non-majority
communities; provide all electoral materials in both official languages
and in other community languages.
- Ensure that CEC regulations remain strictly within the
mandate conferred by the Law on General Elections; review Electoral
Regulation No. 04/2026 on Election Observers to remove provisions that
unduly restrict independent civil society accreditation.
57.2 Integrity of the electoral process
- Complete the ongoing criminal investigations into the
large-scale manipulation of preferential votes identified in the
December 2025 elections; identify and hold responsible those who engaged
in such manipulation; and adopt structural reforms to the counting
and certification process to prevent recurrence.
- Further review procedures for the counting of preferential
votes and take appropriate legislative and administrative measures
to guarantee the transparency and integrity of the counting process, in
accordance with the Venice Commission's Code of Good Practice in
Electoral Matters.
- Investigate all allegations of voter intimidation, including
the cases arising from the Gračanica/Graçanicë arrests, and ensure
that Kosovo Serb voters and all minority community voters can exercise
their right to vote free from pressure, manipulation or influence.
57.3 Misuse of administrative resources
- Adopt explicit rules prohibiting the use of public resources,
government communications and public benefit decisions for partisan
advantage during electoral periods; ensure that government action
during campaign periods is strictly neutral, necessary and proportionate.
- Establish independent oversight and effective sanctions
for misuse of administrative resources in the electoral context,
including the use of public funds for measures with clear electoral
impact announced on the eve of elections.
57.4 Campaign finance
- Strengthen
the legal framework on party and campaign finance transparency,
including timely and comprehensive disclosure of income and expenditure,
including online advertising.
- Require candidates to declare assets in full and ensure
civil society organisations can access the detailed financial transaction
records of political parties.
57.5 Media, disinformation and digital campaigning
- Adopt legislation on media ownership
disclosure without further delay.
- Strengthen institutional capacity to identify, respond
to and remove AI-generated disinformation, deepfakes and harmful
content targeting candidates and voters; ensure effective co-operation between
the IMC, ECAP, digital platforms and civil society monitors in electoral
periods.
- Adopt amendments to the Criminal Code to criminalise cyberviolence,
including cyberstalking, incitement to hatred and non-consensual
distribution of intimate images including AI-generated content,
as proposed in 2024.
- Establish a non-partisan, transparent mechanism for assessing
and responding to foreign interference in the electoral process,
in particular attempts to influence the vote of non-majority communities.
57.6 Out-of-country voting
- Review
the modalities of out-of-country voting to secure equality of suffrage
and guarantee electoral integrity; strengthen safeguards against
ballot photographing, the sharing of voted ballots on social media,
and organised or influenced voting.
- Ensure consistent enforcement of voter identification
requirements at polling stations both within and outside Kosovo.
57.7 Gender equality and inclusivity
- Resolve the inconsistency between the Law on Gender Equality
(50% representation requirement) and the Law on General Elections
(30% minimum quota on candidate lists), in line with the pending
referral to the Constitutional Court.
- Further encourage women's participation in political life,
including by addressing the "double gender gap" in both party nominations
and media coverage, and by ensuring that the justice system addresses
hate speech cases effectively.
- Improve accessibility for voters with disabilities at
polling stations, ensuring consistent interpretation of legal provisions
and systematic rather than merely exceptional accommodation.
58. The Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe stands
ready to assist Kosovo in further improving its electoral framework
and strengthening the capacity of all election stakeholders, in
close co-operation with the Venice Commission and other Council
of Europe bodies and international partners.
Appendix 1 – Composition of the ad hoc committee
Based on the proposals by the political groups
of the Assembly, the ad hoc committee was composed as follows:
Chairperson: Mr Iulian
BULAI (Romania, ALDE)
Vice-Chairperson: Ms Maria
SYRENGELA (Greece, EPP/CD)
Socialists, Democrats and Greens Group
(SOC)
- Mr Jone BLIKRA, Norway
- Ms Bisera KOSTADINOVSKA-STOJCHEVSKA, North Macedonia
- Mr António MENDONÇA MENDES, Portugal
Group of the European People’s Party (EPP/CD)
- Ms Maria SYRENGELA,
Greece
- ZZ
- ZZ
European Conservatives, Patriots &
Affiliates (ECPA)
Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for
Europe (ALDE)
- Mr Iulian BULAI, Romania
- Mr Arminas LYDEKA, Lithuania
- Mr Erich HESS, Switzerland
Group of the Unified European Left (UEL)
Secretariat
- Ms Sylvie AFFHOLDER,
Head of the Elections Division, Secretary of the ad hoc committee
- Ms Roberta DAMORE, Project Manager, Committee on Rules,
Ethics and Immunities
- Ms Amila BERKOVIC, Assistant, Elections Division
Appendix 2 – Programme of the meetings of
the PACE delegation
Friday, 5 June 2026
9:00-9:45 PACE delegation meeting:
- Welcome by Iulian Bulai, Chairperson of the delegation
- Presentation by Mary-Ann Hennessey, Head of the Council
of Europe Office in Pristina
- Presentation of the programme by the Secretariat
10:00-10:45 Meeting with the international community:
- European Union Office in Kosovo/European
Union Special Representative (EUSR): Cyprien François, Chief Political
Advisor EUSR currently acting as Deputy Ambassador, and Blerta Bejtullahu,
Senior Political Analys EUSR
- EULEX: Dania Cossa, Head of Operations
- UNMIK: Georges Fahkri, Chief of the Political Affairs
Office
- OSCE Mission in Kosovo: Pascale Roussy, Director of the
Democratisation Department, and Ilir Haziri, Elections Adviser
- KFOR: Alexander Avløs Aalmo, Deputy Chief Political Advisor
11:00-12:00 Meeting with civil society representatives:
- Youth Initiative for Human Rights:
Ilir Vitija
- Center for Affirmative Social Actions-CASA: Boban Simic
- Democracy for Development: Ferid Murseli
- NGO Aktiv: Miodrag Milicevic
- Kosovo Law Institute: Qemajl Marmullakaj
- Lëvizja FOL: Burbuqe Kastrati
14:30-15:15 Meeting with Ambassadors and Chargé d’affaires
of countries represented in the delegation (Romania, North Macedonia,
Greece, Switzerland) and from the Quint countries (France, Germany,
Italy, United Kingdom):
- Rainer
Rudolph, Ambassador of Germany
- Jürg Sprecher, Ambassador of Switzerland
- Olivier Guérot, Ambassador of France
- Heleni Vakali, Head of the Liaison Office of Greece
- Alin Ciocănea, Head of Mission, Romania
- Chiara Castaldo, Deputy Head of Mission, Italy
- Annie Skeat, Head of Internal Politics, Embassy of the
United Kingdom
15:30-16:15 Meeting with Besnik Berisha, Chairperson of the
Independent Media Commission (IMC)
16:30-17:30 Meeting with Kreshnik Radoniqi, Chairperson of
the Central Election Commission (CEC)
17:30-18:15 Meeting with Zenel Leku, Chairperson of the Electoral
Complaints and Appeals Panel (ECAP)
19:00-19:45 Meeting with Kreshnik Ahmeti, Deputy Minister
of Foreign Affairs and Diaspora
Saturday, 6 June 2026
9:30-12:30 Meeting with leaders and representatives of main
political parties:
- Democratic
Party of Kosovo (Partia Demokratike e Kosovë-PDK): Ardian Arifaj, Chief
of Staff
- Lëvizja Vetëvendosje (Self-Determination Movement-LVV):Alim
Rama, General Secretary of LVV
12:30-13:30 Meeting with civil society representatives (cont’d):
- Democracy in Action: Eugen Cakolli
- Flutura Kusari, Council of Europe media expert
- Hibrid (media fact-checking organisation): Hyrije Mehmeti
Sunday, 7 June 2026
Election Day Observation in polling stations
(Polling stations open at 7:00 and close at 19:00)
17:30-18:00 First feedback session
Monday, 8 June 2026
8:00-9:00 Meeting of the delegation (debriefing and preparation
of the delegation’s statement)
10:00-10:30 Press conference
Appendix 3 – Statement of the Delegation
08/06/2026 –
PACE observers hail smooth early elections in Kosovo*, urge political
compromise and swift election of the President
A delegation from the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council
of Europe (PACE) has welcomed the orderly and smooth conduct of
Kosovo’s early elections on 7 June 2026, which took place without
major incidents. The delegation urged all elected representatives
to engage now in genuinely constructive dialogue to reach the necessary
compromises to promptly elect the president and advance the country’s
democratic processes.
For the third time in 16 months, voters in Kosovo were called
to the polls, following the inability of political parties to reach
an agreement and elect a president, which resulted in the dissolution
of the Assembly.
These elections took place against a backdrop of voter frustration
and fatigue. The traditional campaign was subdued, characterised
by a lack of substantial debate. A shift towards digital campaigning
was observed. In this context, the delegation commends all the people
of Kosovo for their commitment to democracy and their involvement
in these elections. In a country with a history of high voter turnout,
the significant drop in voter participation should however be a
wake-up call.
The PACE delegation, led by Iulian Bulai (Romania, ALDE),
included ten members: seven parliamentarians from three political
groups and seven Council of Europe member states, along with staff.
On election day, PACE teams were deployed in Pristina and its surroundings,
as well as in Gjakova/Đakovica, Gjilan/Gnjilane, Gračanica/Graçanicë,
Kamenicë/Kamenica, Klinë/Klina, Leposavić/Leposaviq, Lipjan/Lipljan,
Mamushë/Mamuša, Theranda/Suva Reka, Mitrovica, Severna Mitrovica/Mitrovicë
e Veriut, Mitrovicë e Jugut/Južna Mitrovica, Parteš/Partesh, Pejë/Peć,
Podujevë/Podujevo, Prizren and Ranilug/Ranillug.
In the limited number of polling stations observed, the delegation
found the elections to be conducted smoothly and professionally.
Electoral officers demonstrated competence, and the atmosphere was
calm and orderly, with polling stations effectively managed by both
majority and non-majority community representatives. However, language
difficulties caused by inadequate representation of the community
which makes up the majority in certain municipalities have created
some friction in few cases. Equitable ethnic representation in local
election commissions should be improved. Likewise, the inclusiveness
of multilingualism could be enhanced.
The delegation also noted improvements in regulating assistance
for voters with specific needs, while the accessibility of polling
stations remained an issue.
Despite tight deadlines, the elections were technically well-organised
and broadly inclusive. The Central Election Commission (CEC) deserves
credit for the inclusive certification of party and candidate lists,
including those submitted by the main Kosovo Serb party, Srpska
Lista. The reduction in the number of complaints registered by the
CEC and the Electoral Complaints and Appeals Panel (ECAP) signals
progress. However, last-minute changes to the CEC’s rules complicated
the registration of civil society observers.
The delegation took note of some measures seeking to prevent
attempted manipulation in the counting of preferential votes – a
significant issue in the previous election. The presence of domestic
election observers at the Municipal Counting Centers will be key,
and their role is essential in safeguarding electoral transparency and
integrity.
A record number of diaspora voters registered for these elections.
However, the late CEC decision allowing voting with expired IDs,
and its subsequent reversal by the ECAP just days before the election,
caused confusion, with the CEC resorting to additional verification
of postal ballots upon their reception in Pristina.
The delegation heard from several interlocutors that the brief
10-day campaign was marred by allegations of misuse of administrative
resources by the caretaker government, including the targeted distribution
of social allowances and an announcement of subsidies to airlines
for the diaspora – the timing of these measures was widely perceived
as intended to benefit the ruling party.
The media landscape in Kosovo is diverse; however, the delegation
received reports of AI-generated videos, misinformation and the
appearance of fake accounts that could influence voters’ informed
decision-making. There are serious concerns about the country’s
limited capacity to address these threats and the lack of adequate
institutional responses to remove harmful content. Furthermore,
interference from Serbia was noted to influence the vote of Kosovo
Serbs for one specific party. Particularly worrying was that such
disinformation and online abuse often targeted women politicians,
undermining their ability to campaign and their participation in
public life.
“The voters of Kosovo have spoken clearly. They now expect
their elected representatives to deliver decisive leadership, seek
constructive compromise, and move the country forward on its Euro-Atlantic
path – ending all cynical political games,” the head of delegation
stated. “Democracy requires compromise and coalition-building, not
zero-sum victories.”
The Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe stands
ready to assist Kosovo in further improving its electoral framework
and strengthening the capacity of election stakeholders.