The Assembly,
Noting the reports of its Committee on Non-represented Nations ;
Considering that the continued enslavement of peoples of Central and Eastern Europe is of great concern to the free nations of the world;
Considering that the situation in Central and Eastern Europe constitutes a threat to world peace ;
Believing that it is necessary that the position of democratic Europe should be emphasised frequently and clearly so that there may be no misunderstanding
Recommends to the Committee of Ministers:
General
The Minister of Finance (M. Avdo Humo) dealt in great detail with plans to combat inflation when he presented the Federal Budget on 21st December 1957. It is an attempt to limit real governmental expenditure to the 1957 level. In 1957 the total budget was $893 millions with $396 millions for defence and in 1958 $1,117 millions and $595 millions respectively. The absolute and relative increase in defence expenditure is to be noted although it is claimed that the increases as between 1957 and 1958 in both the total budget and the defence expenditure can be explained by new accounting arrangements in respect of foreign exchange valuations and local taxation provisions. In December 1956 the Defence Minister said no foreign military aid would be required for 1957
| Exports | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Imports | |||||
| Total (all countries) | 1956 323.37 | 1957 393.79 | 1956 474.14 | 1957 661.84 | |
| U.S.A | 27.41 | 33.32 | 129.22 | 173.76 | |
| Italy | 45.71 | 53.62 | 41.03 | 78.77 | |
| \V. Germany. | 49.15 | 51.26 | 47.39 | 75.55 | |
| U.S.S.R | 42.23 | 49.17 | 70.13 | 69.25 | |
| United Kingdom. | 19.56 | 23.84 | 32.62 | 41.87 | |
| Austria | 17.26 | 18.76 | 19.35 | 25.06 | |
| Poland | 8.95 | 16.22 | 7.87 | 19,24 | |
| Hungary | 6.34 | 11.98 | 6.39 | 19.72 | |
| Czechoslovakia | 8.18 | 8.63 | 12.05 | 18.96 | |
| Switzerland | 16.26 | 14.85 | 10.40 | 11.10 | |
| Egypt | 2.53 | 13.22 | 4.01 | 9.01 | |
| Greece | 9.77 | 12.97 | 5.09 | 7.86 |
Import figures include Economie Aid, very largely agricultural surpluses from the United States.
ARTICLE 100
Whoever commits an act aimed at overthrowing by force or in any other unconstitutional way the authority of the working people, or elected Federal republican, autonomous or local representative bodies established by the Constitution, or executive organs of these representative bodies, or commits an act aimed at undermining the economic basis of the socialist edifice, or commits an act aimed at destroying the unity of the peoples of the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia, or at changing the Federal organisation of the State by force or in any other unconstitutional way, shall be punished by imprisonment or by death.
ARTICLE 109
A citizen of the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia who, with the intent to overthrow the State and social organisation or to carry out any other hostile activity against the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia, comes into contact with a foreign State, a foreign organisation or a specific foreign or refugee group of persons or aids them in their hostile activity, shall be punished by imprisonment.
ARTICLE 117
U.S.: $ 95,000,000;
France: $ 30,000,000;
Great Britain: $ 140,000,000;
Austria: $ 5,000,000.
On 2nd February 1958 the Hungarian newspaper Nepszabadsag published the annual survey of the Central Statistical Office for the year 1957. These official figures, though, in many cases, doubtless " cooked ", do give some idea of the economic situation in Hungary.
Per capita production in 1957 was 3% lower than during the first nine months of 1956. During the same period, however, there was a 17% rise in the production of small industrial undertakings (co-operatives and private enterprise). This is a result of the concessions which the Government made to private enterprise after the Revolution.
Production of various commodities was as follows on the basis of 1955 = 100: coal 95%, oil 42%, cement 84%. As against this fall in the production of raw materials there was an increase in the production of consumer goods, viz.: meat 113%, sugar 121%,, beer 116%, motor-cycles 212%.
It is interesting to make a comparison between employment figures and the above statistics. Thus, at the end of September 1957, nationalised industry employed 4,000 more workers than in September 1956, which implies a marked fall in productivity.
As compared with the preceding year the number of administrative and technical employees fell by 19,000 whilst the number of workers in small industrial co-operatives rose by 20,000 and that of small undertakings by 26,000.
According to the survey, in 1957 " industrial production costs were higher than in previous years ", but we are not told by how much. On the basis of the published figures the increase in question would appear to be about 5 %.
With regard to agricultural production in the year 1956/57—in which connection it should be noted that, during that year, agricultural output as a result of favourable weather conditions was the highest since 1945—the survey has this to say:
" I n 1957 the area sown with wheat was 10% (285,000 Hungarian cadastral units) less than in the previous year. There was also a reduction in the area sown with sunflowers and sugar-beet. During the same period, the area sown with fodder crops increased by 600,000 units. However, the fact that despite the smaller area of wheat sown, production rose by 5% testifies to an improvement in average output. The production of wine went up by 1,000,000 hectolitres, reaching, in 1957, the record figure of 3.3 million hectolitres.
During that year, 3.5 million metric cwts. of artificial fertilisers were used, or 1 million metric cwts. more than in 1956.
Of the total area under crops 14.4% was farmed by the State and 11.6% by the agricultural co-operatives. In the light of the figures for previous years it can be said that the cultivated area controlled by the Communists (totalling 26%) was 7% less than before the October Revolution.
There was also a decline in forestry production. Between October 1956 and October 1957, the output of timber amounted to 2.3 million cubic metres, i.e. 400,000 cubic metres less than for the corresponding period of the preceding year.
According to the survey, the amount of agricultural produce purchased in 1957 was smaller than in 1956, but no precise figures are given. Here it should be noted that compulsory deliveries of wheat were abolished in 1956, as a result of the October Revolution, and have not been re-introduced.
In 1957 the transport services carried 127 millions tons of goods, that is 3% more than in 1955. During the same period there was also a 2% increase in passenger transport.
The volume of retail trade (State and private enterprise) in 1957 amounted to 52.8 thousand million forints, that is, 20% more than in 1955. According to the survey, stocks at the end of 1957 amounted to 15.5 thousand million forints.
In 1957, imports rose by 24% and exports fell by 18%, as compared with 1955. The foreign trade balance for 1957 shows a deficit of 2,000 million forints. This deficit was made possible by the fact that Hungary received a long-term loan from the Soviet Union amounting to 1,200 million roubles.
Over two-thirds of Hungary's imports consisted of raw materials, (imports of raw materials showed an increase of 37% as compared with 1955). Consumer goods and foodstuffs accounted for 20% of aggregate imports. On the other hand, the export of consumer goods was 22% lower than in 1955.
In 1957, investment fell by 15% as compared with 1956 (in 1956 there was no investment after 23rd October). The value of unused new industrial buildings and plant rose further in 1957, amounting at the end of that year to 13,000 million forints. In 1957 the second major blast furnace of the ironworks at Szralinvaros came into operation. At the end of 1957, the capacity of the electric power network was 8% higher than in 1956. (Here it should be noted that the survey makes comparisons with the year 1956 whenever comparison with 1955 is unfavourable.)
In 1957, according to the survey, 76,000 foreigners visited Hungary and 135,000 Hungarian nationals travelled abroad. (Note: The report does not disclose how many Hungarians were able to visit Western countries or how many visitors to Hungary were delegates to the various communist congresses. The subsistence expenses of foreign delegates attending congresses in Hungary are borne by the Hungarian Government).
The eight-year State general schools were attended by 1,260,000 children. Of these only 64,000 attended day nursery schools. Two-thirds of the children who completed their compulsory schooling went on to study in intermediate, industrial and commercial schools. In 1957, attendance at industrial and commercial schools amounted to 90,000, that is 13,000 more than in 1956. This figure also reflects the increase in small industrial undertakings and retail establishments.
In the academic year 1957/58, university students numbered 33,000. A third of them attended the technical faculties.
Although the Hungarian Government's economic policy often seems contradictory and changes from month to month according to the external political situation or economic difficulties, there appear three main determining factors, namely (1) the attempt to corrupt the intellectuals by granting them material privileges; (2) a more liberal policy towards farmers aimed at increasing agricultural production; and (3) the continuation of unplanned economic development in industry with low living standards for workers and employees.
Munnich, the new Hungarian Prime Minister, is endeavouring to create a new aristocracy consisting not of party officials and army officers but, predominantly, of economists,' directors, journalists, artists and scientists. Whilst workers, employees and civil servants have to struggle despairingly for a living, steps are being taken to meet the needs of the " new class " by granting privileges and a higher income.
In the centre of Budapest two State-owned textile shops were recently opened, which sell exclusively goods imported from the West. In these shops the price of bale silk imported from Holland is 450 forints a metre and that of English fabrics 600 to 900 forints a metre. Only members of the new aristocracy can afford to pay these prices. Similarly, a new department has been opened in the Ministry of Transport through which, with the consent of the Minister, doctors, artists, economists and newspapermen may buy motor-cars on hire purchase. The cars cost between 43,000 and 52,000 forints and may be paid for in 14 to 36 monthly instalments.
The monthly salary of a journalistNote is 5,000 forints. For leading journalists prescribed supplementary fees may be earned, which may bring their monthly income up to 12,000 to 15,000 forints. Actors, singers and musicians earn about 8,000 forints. Factory managers are granted bonuses and earn up to 7,000 to 8,000 forints a month. Prominent doctors earn about 15,000 forints.
The Institute for Cultural Relations arranges for the comparatively speedy issue to members of this new aristocracy of passports which are valid for two years. On the recommendation of this Institute, the National Bank can supply a limited amount of foreign currency to these privileged persons for travel abroad. In order to ensure high incomes for these persons, newspapers, theatrical organisations, etc., are founded and new posts are created for scientists and economists. The housing authorities are instructed to give them priority in the provision of accommodation. The secretaries of the Party organisations and heads of personnel show the greatest possible indulgence towards the mode of life of this new privileged class.
Another feature of these attempts at corruption is the policy of Government subsidies to the Churches. According to the Hungarian press agency M.T.I., an agreement has been reached between the Government and the Church concerning financial assistance to the Church. In 1957, the Roman Catholic Church received 32 million forints, the Reformed Church 20 million forints and the Evangelical Church 6 million forints. In addition, 14 million forints were granted for the renovation of churches. For 1958, the Churches were granted another 12 million forints. Thus, altogether, subsidies to the Churches amount to 75 million forints. A number of Catholic priests were persuaded to join a Government-sponsored Peace Commission known as Opus Pads, under the chairmanship of Bishop Grose. Some of the priests in the Commission are also employed for direct propaganda purposes. According to the Szeged newspaper Delmagijar-Orszag of 23rd January 1958, the members of the Peace Commission have held a " Peace Congress " at Szeged at which the Episcopal Director, Dr. Kornel Pataki, made a pro-Soviet speech.
The Nagy Government's abolition of the compulsory delivery of crops has been maintained by the Kadar-Miinnich Government. It would appear that this measure, coupled with the introduction of free purchase of agricultural produce by the State, has had some success. In its editorial of 26th February 1958, the Budapest newspaper Nepszava had this to say on the subject:
"... Was the abolition of compulsory deliveries justified ? In the light of the experience of the past year we can already give an unequivocal reply to this question, namely, that it was both justified and necessary. Under the new system, purchases of agricultural produce during the past year were not markedly less than the 1956 figure, which included compulsory deliveries. During the past year, farmers sold a great deal more produce to the State undertakings than originally anticipated. They also delivered more beef and pork than in previous years; whereas in 1955, 70,000 tons of pork were delivered under the compulsory system, in 1957 the State trade organisations were able to purchase 100,000 tons. As a result of the farmers being able to sell freely and of better prices, the average weight of the cattle purchased has gone up considerably. At the same time there has been a sharp rise in the quantity of produce sold by the farmers on the free market, that is direct to the consumer. This applies chiefly to cattle and dairy produce, especially meat, , fat, poultry, milk and eggs. Deliveries to the Budapest markets were 90% higher than in 1956 and, as a result of the greater supply, the average price level was somewhat lower. What is more, the peasant population has also been able, during the past year, to retain ample supplies of agricultural products and has no longer had to rely on State reserves. This state of affairs is illustrated by the fact that, during the past year, the shops sold 100 million kilogrammes of bread and 60 to 70 million kilogrammes of flour less than during the preceding year ".
Another instance of this more liberal policy is supplied by the following item taken from the provincial newspaper Dunantuli Naplo.
" In the Kisszentmarton district six families have set up their own association for the collective use of agricultural machinery. They purchased from the neighbouring machine-station a tractor costing 5,800 frt, which they paid for themselves. One of the families looks after the tractor which is used only on the 60 units of land owned by the members of the association. "
This kind of association is something new in Hungary. The article, however, does not say who authorised the sale of the tractor for, after all, the tractors in the machinery pools are Government property. At any rate, this is the first time the Hungarian press has reported the existence of such associations.
The situation in industry is described in an editorial in the Nepzabadsag of 25th February 1958. The main theme of the article is the need for economy in industry:
" During the past few months industrial plants have been visited by many inspectors who endeavoured to ascertain what the plants were doing to economise in materials. The impression they gained was unfavourable. The fact is that economy in the use of materials is today the most neglected requirement in industry. The importance of economising materials is recognised and indeed affirmed by all, but in practice there is a great deal of waste.
In most plants, the norms laid down for the use of materials are not observed (the norms denote the quantity of a given material that may be used in the manufacture of a given product). Indeed some plants, for instance electro-mechanical equipment and cable factories, have no such norms. In other cases, the norms are so flexible that they lead to waste, for example in the Csepel motor-plant. There is considerable wastage in the production of cast iron and forged products. Frequently, for example in cutting and milling, the waste may be equal to the weight of the finished product. There is the case of a variety of lathe manufactured in a steel goods and machine-tool factory, which weighs 10% more than indicated in the catalogue. The same type of machine may show weight differences of 200-400 kilogrammes.
In some plants, even these flexible norms are left far behind. For instance, when a telephone factory was inspected it was discovered that the actual amount of material used was 50% in excess of the norm. The accounting system employed in our factories in regard to the use of materials is loose and defective and conducive to waste and abuse. A large proportion of our plants have either a very deficient checking system or nome at all."
In addition to this wastage of material, stealing still goes on, as before the Revolution. While one of the main themes of the Hungarian press is propaganda for higher production, another is the continued exposure of thefts and forgeries which, as during the Rakosi period, is common in all spheres of Hungarian society.
This is shown by a short article which appeared in the Nepzabadsag of 26th February 1958:
" On the instructions of the metropolitan housing authority the accounts relating to some house repairs carried out following the counterrevolution, were audited. The auditing of 249 accounts drawn up by independent small undertakings revealed that of the 5 1/2 million forints indicated in these accounts, more than 1 million, i.e. 20%, was unaccounted for. An audit of the accounts of State undertakings and co-operatives showed a 12-13% discrepancy. However, the total amount of business done by small undertakings amounts not to 5 1/2 million forints but to 69 million, whilst that done by State undertakings and co-operatives amounts to 584 million forints. The total discrepancy would therefore seem to amount to several tens of millions of forints... "
It is also reported by reliable sources in Budapest (March) that the managements of the State-owned industrial, trade and transport undertakings have received confidential instructions to dismiss 7 to 14% of their workers.
These instructions are obviously connected with a shortage of materials. As, however, the Communist leaders cannot admit this or recognise the existence of unemployment, the dismissed workers are alleged to have been " counter-revolutionaries ", in accordance with party circulars.
It would appear, therefore, that in the near future 250,000 persons will lose their jobs without being regarded as unemployed or entitled to any financial support.
Last June a new three-year Hungarian economic development plan was published by the Miinnich Government. Although the full details of this plan are not yet known, it seems to be a moderate one and to provide evidence that the rulers of Hungary have abandoned the idea of turning their country into a major iron and steel producer.
Kadar's internal party struggle has to be conducted on two fronts. On the one hand, there is the struggle against the supporters of a Stalinist (Rakosi) policy, who, by dint of what would appear to be unsuccessful appeals to the leaders of the Russian Communist Party, are striving to regain their former influence; on the other hand, Kadar has to contend with the "revisionism" of the communist supporters of Nagy and the Bibo socialist peasant group. Since December 1957, he has apparently succeeded in curbing the influence of the Stalinists. This may be inferred from:
The weekly Magyarorszag announced in its issue of 31st December 1957 that the Tancsics circle, which, after the suppression of the October Revolution, was formed by the Stalinist wing of the Communist Party to counter the influence of the Petofi circle, had been dissolved. The communique issued in this connection said that " the circle has accomplished its task ". At the same time Magyarorszag, the official organ of the circle and indeed the most Stalinist newspaper in Budapest, which was continually calling for the liquidation of remaining " counter-revolutionary circles ", ceased to appear.
In March of this year it was officially reported from Budapest that the Minister of Justice, Mme. Magda Joburu, had been relieved of her post and replaced by M. Pal Ilku.
Magda Joburu was closely connected with Josef Revai and belonged to the " left (Stalinist) wing " of the Hungarian Communist Party, which Ferenc Miinnich wishes to relegate to the background. In addition to Mme. Joburu, Stalinists removed from influential posts include Janos Zsombor, former chief editor of the weekly Magyarorszag, sent to Moscow as correspondent of the newspaper Nepszabadsag, arid Marton Lovas, chief contributor to the weekly paper, now a reporter on an economic journal. The most prominent members of the Stalinist Tancsics circle were sent to the provinces as minor party secretaries.
Pal Ilku, the new Minister of Education, is a typical Miinnich supporter. His only qualification for the post is that twenty years ago he was an elementary school teacher. Since 1945, he had been serving in the armed forces as a member of the General Staff and acted on several occasions as deputy Minister of Defence.
On the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the founding of the Hungarian Communist Party, the Budapest Nepszabadsag of 25th March 1958, published an article on the founders of the Communist Party. According to this article the first communist group was set up in Moscow on 24th March 1918, by Bela Kun, Tibor Szamuely and Ernop Or. There is no mention of Matyas Rakosi. On similar occasions during the years 1945 to 1956, the name of Bela Kun was completely ignored and Rakosi was acclaimed as founder of the party and hero of the 1919 Revolution.
Before the execution of Nagy, Kadar's policy towards the Revisionists had two features: on the one hand, a continuation of the reign of. terror and of the hanging of Nagy supporters, and on the other, a reluctance to bring Nagy to trial. This policy was largely bound up with the prevailing uncertainty as to Soviet intentions.
The same policy was apparent in statements by Szirmai on the role of the press. He gave it to be understood that the Kadar Group wished to abandon the methods employed by Rakosi and that its political ideas were far removed from those of the Hungarian Stalinists. It is noteworthy that, in connection with the 1956 rising, Szirmai requested the press not to demand in its editorials or other articles that anyone should be made responsible. This applied, inter alia, to Imre Nagy and Pal Maleter. Asked by editors whether there would be any political trials in the first quarter of 1958, Szirmai answered with a categorical no. He asked the press to pay more attention to Yugoslavia and to send correspondents to Belgrade. He also referred to the economic difficulties of the country, adding, however, that there would be no shortage of consumer goods or even certain luxury goods, as the Government would make every effort further to improve living standards. The economic difficulties would probably be overcome thanks to further Soviet credits.
Laszlo Gyaros, the spokesman of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, said in the course of a private conversation with a leading journalist that the conviction of Tibor Dery and his colleagues had not been the wish of the Kadar Group. At the time of the trial " extreme leftist circles " had been more influential than they were at the present time. Gyaros also said that the lot of the imprisoned writers would shortly be eased; that the strict supervision of the activities of intellectuals was being stopped and that only common criminals proved guilty of theft or murder were being sentenced. The term " extreme leftist circles " applies mainly to the Tancsics circle and the editorial staff of the suppressed weekly Magyarorszag.
Ever since 1949 Party schools in Hungary have never ceased to function. Not only Party members but also non-Party members—at least all employed by the State—were obliged to attend Party seminars. The basic text books used were the Short History of the Russian communist parly and The Life of Stalin, as well as a number of Party pamphlets on international and economic policy.
Owing to the lack of teaching material, these courses were discontinued after the October Revolution. It was not until October 1957 that they were resumed but only for the benefit of Party members. The Nepszabadsag of 14th February 1958, contains a report on these courses by Mme. Ilona Vigh, entitled Half-yearly balance sheet. Among other things she reported that:
" The Budapest courses are attended by about 70,000 persons " (in 1955, the number of persons who were obliged to attend such courses in Budapest was 225,000).
What are the Budapest communists being taught today? Mme. Vigh describes two kinds of courses. The first is entitled Topical problems. This deals with the events of the " Counter-Revolution " and the policy of Imre Nagy and Rakosi. It is said to be heavily attended, although it is more in the nature of a discussion group than a course proper.
The second course entitled Problems of Marxism-Leninism seems a more earnest affair, but it is meeting with some difficulties concerning which Mme. Vigh has this to say:
" The study of the works of Marx, Engels and Lenin is a very difficult task. We should concentrate more on the legality of the class struggle and its forms and methods. For instance, there are many who do not understand the possibility of achieving the Socialist Revolution by peaceful means.
Furthermore, since the end of the Stalin cult, the Hungarian Communist Party lacks suitable reading material. Mme. Vigh thinks there is a need for a new textbook on Marxism-Leninism. In the meantime, lecture courses should be organised on the basis -of specially prepared texts.
This article shows that the Party schooling of today is only a shadow of its former self. The Communists are not only reluctant to study Marxism-Leninism, but they also lack the necessary basic knowledge.
Persons who took part in the Revolution are still being arrested, interned or hanged. Active resistance has now been replaced by bitter resignation. Nevertheless, the Government has still not succeeded in winning over even the most sought-after sections of the population.
In a statement he made at the last •session of the Hungarian Parliament the Public Prosecutor, Dr. Geza Szenasi, said:
"At the present time we have a public security detention camp where 1.869 persons are detained. One quarter of these are persons who refuse to work and the like. I think it necessary that we also use this camp as a means of combating parasitical elements in our economic life. "
The camp referred to is situated at Kistarcsa, to the east of Budapest. According to reliable information the number of persons detained there is about 8,000,
As regards the " parasitical elements " mentioned by Dr. Szenasi, the administration is already taking steps against them. A number of leading exporters, retailers and small businessmen have already been interned. Although, under the law, the period of internment is limited to six months, a considerable number of persons in the camp have been interned since March 1957.
According to reliable reports from Hungary, the Hungarian Government closed down the Kistarcsa internment camp in early March. Some of the internees were transferred to the Mosony Utca police barracks and to the detention home, both in Budapest.
The Hungarian Minister of Justice, Dr. Ferencs Nezval, speaking at a press conference in March told the journalists present that the Hungarian Bar was being reorganised.
The Minister said that this measure had to be taken because " some members of the Bar were not only unsuitable to deal with the tasks entrusted to them but also completely hindered the work of the Courts and other bodies as well as the application of Socialist jurisdiction. "
The status of barristers is being determined under a decree which stipulates that barristers may practise only within "barristers' associations. " A lawyer may engage in private practice only in exceptional cases, subject to the authorisation of the Minister of Justice. M. Nezval went on to say that "the fact that the bar was unable to fulfil its tasks was primarily due to clashes between its members. Consequently the undesirable elements must be dismissed. "
Under the new decree, the Bar is no longer autonomous. Its business is carried on by delegates appointed by the Minister. Disciplinary law is administered by disciplinary courts which are not elected but appointed. The membership of the Bar is reviewed by five-member commissions appointed by the Minister of Justice. There is one such commission for each county or Budapest municipal district. These commissions consist not only of barristers but also of other persons familiar with local conditions.
The closing date for new admissions to the Bar is 31st August 1958. Under the new decree it will be impossible for lawyers to perform their normal legal tasks. The selection of lawyers who are not only jurists but also "persons familiar with local conditions" ensures that only lawyers who enjoy the trust of the Hungarian Communist Party are allowed to practise within the Association.
The weekly organ of the Communist Youth organisation Magyar Uffusag reported in its issue of 3rd March 1958, that students in the Hungarian faculties of law were still offering resistance to the Communist regime. The writer of the article complained that the youth organisations were not doing their job : "... in past "weeks new provocative slogans have been- appearing on the walls and large quantities of pamphlets have been found on window-sills. The Kisz (Communist Youth Movement) has therefore held an official assembly, also attended by students whose indignation had been aroused by these provocations. There was a great deal to talk about at this assembly. Twenty-three students took part in the debate. Recently, Tuttosy, a member of the Faculty of Law, was brought to trial as an instigator of the counter-revolution and as having played an important part in the Csepel murders. A majority of the university students approved of the conviction of those responsible but some of those present staged a "compassionate weeping session" when they heard of.the well-deserved sentences passed. They listened with anger to the Public Prosecutor when he branded the student Laszlo Ravasz, one of the leading figures of the counter-revolution, as a Fascist.
Not only in the universities but also in student centres some persons are openly agitating against the Communist Youth Organisation."
It is not known exactly who the sentenced students Tuttosy and Ravasz are. No official information has so far been released as regards their trial or conviction. At any rate, it is interesting to note that in spite of the atmosphere of terror by which they are surrounded, Hungarian university students openly dare to debate and protest against the branding as Fascists of those of their colleagues who took part in the Revolution.
On 15th March 1958, as in previous years, the Kossuth Prizes were awarded in Budapest to leading artists and scientists. But unlike in previous years, only 31—that is relatively few— Kossuth Prizes were distributed. In this connection, it is interesting to note that this year not a single writer was among the prize-winners.
It is clear, therefore, that writers have not so far succumbed to the blandishments of the regime.
The United Nations Special Committee established that General Maleter was arrested on 3rd November 1956 at Soviet Headquarters in Tokol on the island of Czspel, where he had gone as Defence Minister for the Nagy Government and leader of the Hungarian military delegation negotiating with the Soviet High Command. He was thus protected by the recognised principles of international law. At the Security Council meeting on 3rd November the Hungarian representative declared—and this was confirmed by the Soviet representative—that these negotiations were in fact in progress.
Statement by Kadar:
" Myself a member of the Nagy Government, I hereby declare that to the best of my knowledge and belief neither Nagy nor his closest political supporters deliberately provoked a counterrevolution ".
Janos Kadar told a delegation of Hungarian workers that he did not believe that Imre Nagy had provoked the " Counter-Revolution " deliberately, but had been the victim of circumstance. " Imre Nagy is not under arrest " he added. " He left the House of Parliament of his own free will and neither the Government nor the Soviet troops are seeking to restrict his movements. It is for him alone to decide whether he wishes to contrive his political activity or not".
ber 1956 after leaving the Yugoslav Embassy in Budapest which had given them asylum. It occurred after a promise of safe conduct had been given and their immunity recognised in a document addressed by Kadar on 25th November 1956 to the Government of the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia in his capacity as President of the Council of Ministers.
An extract of this document reads as follows:
" To avoid any further misunderstanding, the Hungarian Government, while expressing its agreement with the suggestions made in page 3, paragraph 8, of the communication of 18th November 1956 addressed to me by the Yugoslavian Government, hereby confirms in writing the verbal assurance already given that " it does not desire to apply sanctions against Imre Nagy and the members of his group for their past activities. We take note that the asylum extended to the group will hereby come to an end and that they themselves will leave the Yugoslav Embassy and proceed freely to their homes. "
Communique from the Hungarian Government:
" Imre Nagy and some of his supporters have gone to Rumania in accordance with a petition previously lodged."
Announcement by Kadar:
" We have given the assurance that we do not intend to prosecute Imre Nagy and we shall keep our word.
The Rumanian Foreign Minister, M. Preo-teama, stated at the United Nations General Assembly that the Rumanian Government, after being approached by the Hungarian Government on the subject of M. Nagy, " had given an assurance that the group's stay in Rumania would be marked by the observance of all the rules of hospitality and that the necessary steps would be taken to ensure the personal safety of M. Nagy and his friends. At the same time the Romanian Government guaranteed to observe international usage in the granting of political asylum. "
In a speech at the Kremlin, Janos Kadar not only accused Nagy of undermining the Party from within but also of preparing the way for an attack from without by his collaboration with the sinister forces of reaction.
Volume IV of the Hungarian White Book contains the statement that Imre Nagy "had violated his oath of office. Instead of defending the constitutional regime he had used his position as Prime Minister to further attempts to overthrow the Constitution. "
In a leading article Janos Kadar made a disparaging allusion to " those who, like Imre Nagy, had sunk to the lowest depths of treachery ". Four days later came the news from Budapest and Moscow that Nagy had been condemned to death and executed.
" The Special Committee met this morning to consider the circumstances surrounding the recent reports from Moscow and Budapest that Imre Nagy, Pal Maleter, and two of their companions have been executed.
To assist its study of these tragic events, the Committee had before it the text of the statement issued by the Hungarian Government on 16th June, when the trials were first announced, and a recent statement from Belgrade in which the Government of Yugoslavia recalled the undertakings which had been given to them by Janos Kadar when Imre Nagy left the asylum of the Yugoslav Embassy at Budapest on 22nd November 1956, namely,
' . . . that it (the Hungarian Government) does not desire to apply sanctions against Imre Nagy and the members of his group for their past activities. We take note that the asylum extended to the group will hereby come to an end and that they themselves will leave the Yugoslav Embassy and proceed freely to their homes.'
The report of the Committee, already presented to the General Assembly and endorsed by it, records the circumstances in which Imre Nagy, on leaving the Yugoslav Embassy, was arrested and taken to an unknown destination, subsequently indicated by the Hungarian authorities as being Rumania; it also recalls the Unsuccessful efforts made by the Committee later to arrange with the Rumanian Government an opportunity to meet Imre Nagy in the interest of the Committee's inquiry.
The Committee notes that no reply has ever been received to its letter addressed to the Hungarian Government on 20th December 1957. That letter drew the attention of the Hungarian Government to the persistent concern displayed throughout the world regarding the fate of the men and women who played a part in the events in Hungary during October and November of 1956. It pointed out that anxiety would continue until the present regime of Hungary complied with the General Assembly Resolution of 14th September 1957, which called upon Hungary 'to desist from repressive measures against the Hungarian people'.
The Committee notes that, since the uprising in Hungary in October 1956, the United Nations has adopted a number of resolutions calling on the Soviet Union to withdraw her troops from Hungary so as to create an atmosphere in which free elections could be held. All these appeals have been ignored. The execution of Imre Nagy and of his companions demonstrates that the oppression of the Hungarian people has not abated, and that the reign of terror which began when Russian forces moved into Hungary early in November 1956 continues.
The Committee notes that the recent statement by the Government of Hungary in which the executions were announced was imprecise and vague in many particulars. Some unanswered questions are: What were the movements of the prisoners between the time of Nagy's abduction and the time of the trials? In what country were they tried? Where did the executions take place? What was the precise form of the indictment? Under what laws and under what procedures were they tried and sentenced—laws and procedures in operation at the time of the uprising or laws promulgated subsequently? These are matters on which the United Nations has every right to be fully informed.
The Committee accordingly issues an appeal to interested Governments having at their disposal any information regarding the circumstances of the arrest, trial and execution of Imre Nagy, Pal Maleter and their two companions, to make such information available to the Committee.
The Committee deplores this latest tragic event in which these men, symbols of the hope of a nation for freedom from foreign domination, were secretly sent to death in circumstances which call for full exposure, in violation of solemn undertakings that their persons would not be harmed, and in defiance of the judgement and opinion of the United Nations. It expresses its grave concern lest the end of this repression and killing may not yet be in sight."
" The Committee of Ministers
Has never ceased to affirm its sympathy and feelings of solidarity with the Hungarian people in their trials as well as its deep concern with regard to the treatment accorded to President Imre Nagy, General Maleter and their companions in the struggle for independence.
Profoundly shocked by the announcement of the execution of these Hungarian patriots in spite of promises given and in violation of the most elementary human rights, the Committee of Ministers expresses its horror and indignation at this barbarous act.
The Committee of Ministers pays tribute to their memory which will ever serve as an outstanding example for all those who are attached to the cause of freedom.
The Committee of Ministers conveys its deep sympathy to the Hungarian people. "
Letter from Mr. Edwards, M. P., Chairman of the Socialist Group of the Consultative Assembly of the Council of Europe to His Excellency M. Pal Fôldés (Hungarian Legation, London) London, 20th June 1958.
Your Excellency,
European Socialists have learned with horror and dismay of the secret judgment passed on M. Nagy and his companions and their equally secret execution. On behalf of the seventy Socialist members of the Consultative Assembly of the Council of Europe, I must protest most vigorously against this barbarous and inhuman behaviour which makes normal human relations between our peoples practically impossible.
I am, etc.
Signed: John Edwards.
" I n the horror and dismay which will be felt at the news of the execution of Imre Nagy, Pal Maleter and other Hungarian leaders it is important to emphasize certain facts which may escape attention: