The Great Famine in the former Soviet Union in the early 1930s is one of the most tragic pages in the European history of the 20th century: millions of people died in the former Soviet republics of Belarus, Kazakhstan, Moldova, Russia and especially in Ukraine, as a result of cruel and inhuman policies and actions of the totalitarian Stalinist regime.
In Ukraine, which suffered the most, these tragic events are referred to as Holodomor and are recognised by the Ukrainian law as an act of genocide against Ukrainians.
The report honours the memory of all those who perished in this human disaster, and strongly condemns the policies of the totalitarian Stalinist regime, which led to the death of millions of innocent people, as a crime against humanity.
It welcomes the decision by the Ukrainian authorities to establish a national day of commemoration of the victims of the Great Famine (Holodomor), and encourages the other countries which suffered from it to jointly commemorate the victims of this tragedy, regardless of their nationality.
The mass famine of the 1930s brought misery and sufferings across many regions of the former USSR including Kazakhstan. It was an awful disaster following forced collectivisation and the bad harvest of 1932. The famine was a result of sweeping industrialisation policy, the coercive collectivisation and forced grain requisitioning that destroyed agriculture.
The resolutions of the 15th Congress of the All-Union Communist Party (in December 1927) were aimed at mass collectivisation of the peasantry. At the same time it was obvious that the main objective was “to gradually consolidate small rural households into large-scale peasant farms supporting and encouraging socialised agricultural work”.Note
The reasons behind the tragic events referred to in Soviet history as “mistakes and excess” were non-contingent. Yet according to historians, it was a natural, if not fatal, phenomenon as the use of force was spontaneous. As it was rooted in the contradictions between political and ideological means and economic imperatives, a violation of the law and human factor. Therefore, the mistakes and excess were an objective reflection of the Stalinist society.
Nevertheless, some historians still believe that Joseph Stalin and his aides were purportedly unaware of the real situation and the scope of disaster in the steppe.
However, the official documents suggest otherwise. First of all, there was an official governmental note signed (in May 1932) by the Chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars of Kazakhstan, U. Issayev, which contained an approximate account of what had happened. The Secretary of the Western-Siberian Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party, R. Eikhe, and the Chairman of the Central Executive Committee of Uzbekistan, Y. Akhunbabayev, also informed Moscow of the famine and resettlement across Kazakhstan (it seems to be true, since western Siberia and Uzbekistan accepted a great portion of the migrating people from Kazakhstan and it was the duty of R. Eikhe and Y. Akhunbabayev to notify the Moscow authorities and Joseph Stalin of the situation).
In this context, it is worth mentioning an episode with V. Molotov, Chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars, who was concerned about the mass resettlement from western Kazakhstan. F. Golovoshchekin, the First Secretary of the Kazakh Regional Committee, explained that migration was caused by conflicts with class enemies. However, he was aware that the mass movements were stirred up due to hardships and not due to the change in the way of life.
The collectivisation devastated the Kazakh auls and deprived the majority of them of their cattle. The agricultural economy of Kazakhstan suffered a devastating blow that diminished the productive power and structure of the Kazakh auls.
A letter from Deputy Chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars, Turar Ryskulov,NoteNote to Joseph Stalin provided convincing evidence of the famine in the 1930s in Kazakhstan. It said: “According to the latest estimates, 40 000 Kazakhs reside in the Middle Volga, 100 000 in Kyrgyzstan, 50 000 in western Siberia, 20 000 in Kara-Kalpak region, and 30 000 in Central Asia. The Kazakhs also migrated to such remote areas as Kalmykia, Tajikistan, the Northern region, etc. A part of the population led by bais (rich landowners) moved to western China. It was the first time when the Kazakh people migrated from the central regions of the country. It was not mere nomadic migration that usually takes place in summer, yet was the flight of starving people looking for food. In some of the regions the number of migrants made up 40% to 50% of the total population. The worst results of the migration are starvation and epidemics which have been spreading since early 1932. Last spring many Kazakh people died from hunger and pandemic diseases. It is getting worse as spring is coming …”.
According to the report of the Moscow Red Cross on Aktyubinsk region, the Kazakhs residing in the Turgaisky district suffered from starvation and epidemics. They ate garbage, roots of wild plants and rodents.
According to the local authorities, 20% to 30% of the population in the Turgaisky and Batpakarinsky districts perished and those who survived migrated. The Chelkarsky district lost 30% to 35% of its population. Chairman of the Executive Committee T. Ivanov made a report at the regional Congress of Soviets (in July 1932), according to which, the population of the Aktyubinsk region declined from 1 012 500 people in 1930 to 725 800 people or 71% in 1932. According to the Chairman of the Kzyl-Orda District Executive Committee, only 15% to 20% of the population survived. The population of the Balkhash district was 60 000 people. Half of the population of the Karatalsky district died last winter due to forced migration of three Kazakh auls. Some 569 people died from hunger from December 1932 to 10 January 1933 in the same region. Some 300 dead bodies were found at the Ushtobe train station, in Karatal and a rice collective farm. The number of farms in the Chubartausky district decreased from 5 300 in 1931 to 1 941 in 1933.
The aftermath of the mass famine was horrible. Without their cattle, the nomads lost their traditional food intake. Fishery and hunting did not help. There was no bread due to a bad harvest. Moreover, most of the Kazakhs had no opportunity to flee from the disaster area. Without horses and camels starving nomads could hardly travel long distances. The Great Steppe became a trap for those Kazakhs who had no cattle.
Driven by poverty, people flooded cities, settlements, stations and villages with a single purpose to survive. The places of mass migration saw outbreaks of typhoid fever that was previously unknown to inhabitants of the steppe. No immunity to unknown diseases and poor (or the lack of) health care services resulted in people starving to death.
The native population severely suffered because of mass migration. One fourth of the total population, or 1 030 000 people left Kazakhstan in the years of mass famine. Only 414 000 returned to Kazakhstan afterwards, whereas 616 000 preferred to stay abroad. According to experts, 200 000 of those who stayed abroad settled in China, Mongolia, Afghanistan, Iran and Turkey. The census data showed that the number of Kazakh people residing in the neighbouring countries increased from 314 000 people in 1926 to 794 000 people in 1939.Note Throughout 1926-39, owing to migration, the number of Kazakhs in Russia increased 2.3 fold, in Uzbekistan – 1.7 fold, in Turkmenistan – 6 fold, in Tajikistan – 7 fold, in Kyrgyzstan – 10 fold.Note
The famine, epidemics and mass migration dramatically affected the demographic processes in Kazakhstan in its initial stages. Due to the fact that it happened during the first stage of the demographic evolution in Kazakhstan, its native population managed to quickly overcome the aftermath of this tragedy. And only thanks to the demographic boom (approximately in 1962) during the post-war period did the Kazakhs restore the losses. The previous population size was restored only forty years later in 1969. If it were not for the demographic boom, it would have taken at least a hundred or even a hundred and twenty years to overcome the population crisis. In spite of everything, the famine will be remembered in the upcoming one hundred and fifty to one hundred and seventy years.
Modern history offers a wide range of assessments in terms of casualties as a result of the mass famine in Kazakhstan in 1932-33. According to the 1926 census, the native population of Kazakhstan was 3 628 000 people.Note However, twelve years later in 1939, this figure declined by 1 321 000 people or 36.7%.Note Historians themselves believe that this figure is an underestimate and needs to be amended after a careful analysis.Note Thanks to such analysis the researchers found out that in the mid-1930s the native population numbered about 4 120 000 people.Note
On the basis of the foregoing it can be said that during the tragedy Kazakhstan lost more than 2 million people.Note
Given that in the 1920sNote the mortality rate in Kazakhstan was 25 per 1 000 people, the number of people who died of natural causes throughout 1931-33 should have amounted to approximately 250 000 people (7%). On the basis of this data historians estimate that 1 750 000 people or 42% of the population died of starvation and accompanying diseases.Note
The issue of the number of victims of the mass famine is still open. The data of the 1937 All-Soviet Union census also known as “the census of the repression”, conducted in one day, will shed light on the greatest demographic catastrophe in the history of Kazakhstan caused by Stalin’s policy. Those responsible for the census were arrested or executed (the system got rid of the witnesses). For many years, the 1937 census data were considered to be lost. However, they were recently rediscovered in the Central State Economic Archive of the former USSR.
The people of Kazakhstan honour the memory of the victims of the famine, and condemn the regime that disregarded human life in order to achieve ambitious economic and political goals. Therefore, we should continue comprehensive research into this tragedy.
Information prepared under the supervision of Mrs Ana Guţu
Head of the Moldovan delegation to the Parliamentary Assembly
Soviet power was finally established in Transnistria in early 1923. Hitherto, there had been no reason to believe that the inhabitants of the left bank of the River Dniester aspired to the creation of an independent state. However, in spring 1924 the Bolshevik leadership of the Soviet Union launched the idea of such a Moldovan socialist republic. It was established by decisions of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the USSR dated July 1924 creating the Moldovan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic and of the Central Executive Committee of Ukraine of 12 October 1924 making the region an autonomous republic of Soviet Ukraine.
The Soviet authorities then started to impose policies aimed at reducing national awareness and industrialising and collectivising Transnistria, at great human cost.
During the 1920s, following the devastation caused by war and the political anarchy that the Bolsheviks brought in their wake, the economy of Transnistria’s various districts faced numerous difficulties. Agriculture, the main branch of the economy, was in very bad straits. The area devoted to cereals and the number of livestock had halved since 1913. Yet despite these difficulties, the authorities organised a campaign to collect cereals and implemented collectivisation plans. This was also the background to the campaign to dispossess well-off peasants – kulaks in Soviet terminology. In the year 1929-30, over 3 000 peasant households were declared to be kulaks, their wealth was confiscated and the owners were deported. The anti-peasant campaign reached its climax in 1932, by which time whole villages had been destroyed both physically and in spirit. A majority of all peasant households were affected by the next wave of the grain collection policy. The situation was made still worse by natural disasters. In the spring, the River Dniester flooded. Nearly a thousand peasant families remained homeless and more than 10 000 families were deprived of their means of existence. The summer and autumn were dry, followed by torrential rain. The result was that Transnistria experienced a period of terrible famine, reaching a peak in 1932-33, when nearly 20 000 people died.
The enforced collectivisation, coupled with the famine, led to an exodus of peasants to Romania, by swimming across the Dniester. The Soviet authorities responded by strengthening the borders and massacring those who tried to cross them. World public opinion was shocked by the cruelty of the border guards. On the night of 22-23 February 1932 they opened fire on 60 peasants, 40 of whom died on the ice of the river as they tried to cross it. The next day, about 100 villagers from the Tighina district were killed for the same reason. Nevertheless, the numbers wishing to leave the autonomous republic continued to rise and some 20 000 persons succeeded in finding refuge in Romania.
The occupation of Bessarabia in 1940 and its reoccupation by the Soviet authorities in 1944 marked a black period in the history of this Romanian province. The Soviet authorities established a totalitarian and anti-national regime in the province, characterised by robbery and terror. Immediately following the Second World War and during the first years of Soviet occupation – the years 1946 and 1947 – the Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic, established on 2 August 1940, was devastated by a famine that was unprecedented in the country’s history.
The justification for the famine in Soviet literature tried, with no supporting evidence, to explain the famine in two ways:
These ideas appeared in a number of contemporary reports, such as that of the interior minister in Chişinău, Tutuşkin, sent to his chief in Moscow, which stated that as a result of the Romanian occupation and the drought of 1945 to 1946, the food situation in the Soviet republic was extremely difficult.
The reality: documentation shows that the 1945-1946 famine was a serious consequence of the inhumane and criminal actions of the Stalinist regime, party officials and the state.
According to documentary and eye-witness evidence:
During the months and years when the Moldovan people were dying of hunger, Stalin exported 1.7 million tonnes of cereals to other countries – trucks laden with foodstuffs were sent to the other socialist countries, particularly East Germany, for propaganda reasons.
Dystrophy – the lack of food or sustenance, as people were reduced to eating leaves, hogweed, amaranth and so on, led to a rapid increase in the number of cases of dystrophy. According to the (incomplete) information collected by the health authorities, 53 000 persons in the republic were registered with dystrophy on 25 December 1946, and this rose to 190 000 on 1 February 1947 and 238 000 by 1 March. Steps were taken to reduce the ravages of this disease, but the results did not meet expectations. In December 1947 in several districts between a quarter and 30% of the population were affected by dystrophy; while in certain areas, notably Cimişlia district, this figure rose to 80%.
Cannibalism – the terrible reaction of starving people. A number of cases of cannibalism were recorded in various parts of Moldova in early 1946. For example, in June 1946, there were a number of cases in the villages of Alexandreşti, Recea-Slobozia and Sturzeni in Râşcani district. A senior official of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Mr Alexei Kosygin, was a witness to such cannibalism. He arrived in Moldova in 1947 and visited a number of villages near Chişinău, including one house where he saw a dead body that had been prepared for eating.
On 8 September 1947, the District Committee of the Communist Party of Cahul, where 10 cases of cannibalism were officially recorded between February 1946 and February 1947, prepared a document advising secretaries of district party committees on how to prevent cannibalism. According to the document, the district leadership had information on cannibalism and the use of human bodies as food in certain villages in the districts of Vulcăneşti, Taraclia, Ciadâr-Lunga, Baimaclia and, particularly, Congaz. An official told party and state leaders that on 7 and 8 February 1947 in the village of Baurci in Congaz district (currently in the Gagauz Autonomous Territorial Unit of the Republic of Moldova), he had recorded four killings for the purposes of cannibalism. According to this source, the consumption of bodies had become a frequent occurrence. There were cases of stolen bodies that had been taken to the cemetery and not buried. The muscles and limbs of several bodies found at various places in the village had been removed. In the village of Beşalma the situation was even more serious. The consumption of bodies was also common in other villages, he concluded. In January 1947, a peasant woman from the village of Tambula, in Bălţi district, killed two of her four children, a girl of six and a boy of five, with a view to eating them. A peasant in Glinjeni, in Chişcăreni district, invited a female neighbour into his house then strangled and ate her. Another peasant from the village of Cajba in Glodeni district killed his 12-year-old grandson who had come to visit and ate him. Some 39 cases of cannibalism were recorded in Moldova during the 1946-47 famine.
The human victims – undernourishment, caused by lack of normal food and the consumption of plants and other items harmful to health, such as carcasses and carrion, together with the growing number of epidemics, led to some hundred thousand deaths. These occurred particularly in the villages because the towns, where the Soviet nomenklatura lived, received more food supplies, which were taken by force from the peasants. People died in their homes and on the street from the torture of famine. Dozens of bodies were collected daily in the streets. In Chişinău, for example, according to information supplied by the republic’s interior ministry to the leadership in Moscow, the militia were regularly removing from the streets between 8 and 12 bodies of peasants who had come in from the villages.
The following table illustrates the rise in mortality in the Moldovan Soviet Socialist Republic in the years 1946 and 1947:
There is an enormous disparity between the numbers of births and deaths. For example, in the first three months of 1946, there were 9 494 births in the republic, but 14 428 deaths. In rural areas the corresponding figures were 7 845 and 12 973, in other words the number of deaths was twice the number of births. According to official figures, towards the end of 1947 the number of deaths started gradually to decline. In November, 3 264 persons died, 21.2% more than the number of births.
In 1946, the rural population of the republic fell by 447, but in 1947, following the dystrophy outbreak, there was a decline of 100 633, representing an annual loss of more than 10%. In 1947, the rural population fell by 193 900 persons. The famine also caused great loss of life in the first half of 1948. At the start of this year the number of deaths was higher than at the end of the previous one.
The exact number of deaths is not known. However, research in recent years has shown that during the famine years of 1946-47, and in the first half of 1948, between 250 000 and 300 000 persons died of famine, with historians generally agreeing on an average figure of about 280 000, 70% of whom died from dystrophy.
Vagrancy – following the death of their parents, thousands of unprotected children roamed the villages and towns in search of food. Village orphans left for the towns in the hope of finding a loaf of bread. In the first half of 1946 alone, about 1 500 homeless children were brought into militia posts.
Emigration – the famine in Bessarabia provided an impetus for emigration and several cases were recorded of persons attempting to leave for Romania. Their fate varied. Some emigrants were shot by Soviet border guards. A few hundred persons succeeded in crossing the Romanian frontier but others were arrested during their attempted crossing. For example, 37 persons were arrested in August 1946, 49 in September, 46 in December and 63 in January 1947. Certain persons who wished to flee to Romania were placed under surveillance.
It was not the drought that caused the disaster – they occur in Moldova from time to time without leading to widespread cannibalism – but the methods applied by the Stalinist authorities, with their wish to build a “contented” future with no regard for the price that had to be paid. The Bessarabian peasants were quite deliberately condemned to suffer famine for two reasons:
Ukraine has succeeded in obtaining the support of the international community for designating the tragic events of 1932-33 as genocide. The Republic of Moldova must follow Ukraine’s example.
Gribincea Mihai, Basarabia în primii ani de ocupaţie sovietică (1944-1950) [Bessarabia in the first years of Soviet occupation], Cluj-Napoca, 1995.
Anton Moraru, Istoria Românilor. Basarabia şi Transnistria, 1812-1993 [History of the Romanians: Bessarabia and Transnistria, 1812-1933], Chişinău, 1995.
Elena Şişcanu, Basarabia sub regimul bolşevic (1940-1952) [Bessarabia under the Bolshevik regime, 1940-1952], Semne, Bucharest, 1998.
Ion Ţurcanu, Foametea din Basarabia în anii 1946-1947 [The 1946-47 famine in Bessarabia], Chişinău, 1993.
Larisa Turea, Cartea foametei [The book of the famine], Bucharest, 2008.
In 1917, after the February Revolution in Russia, Lenin stated in the magazine Prosvechenie, published in November 1917, that only the nationalisation of all products would give the Bolsheviks an opportunity to control the country. They started to implement it by using ration cards. So the conclusion is that the famine was the intended way of administrating the region at the beginning of the Bolshevik rule. In order to introduce it to all territories, the Bolsheviks had to:
Implementing these tasks was the main purpose of the Communist regime led by Stalin. Fighting against the above-mentioned opponents took forms such as:
The fighting resulted in:
The differences between Ukraine and Russia as regards Holodomor are:
The Consul of Italy at the time, Mr Sergio Gradenigo, stated in his book Letters from Kharkiv that one of the local Russian GPU chiefs was cynically saying that the “ethnographic material” needed to be transformed. It was said about the Ukrainian nation.
The Holodomor of 1932-1933 became one of the most tragic pages in the history of Ukraine and the genuine genocide of the Ukrainian people. It is the tragic part of Ukraine’s history and we must tell the truth about the history of our state. Millions of human souls destroyed by the artificial famine yell for memory and justice.
The Holodomor above all entailed enormous human losses, and the purposeful physical extermination of our nation for political purposes. It was an attempt to convert the Ukrainian nation into a nation of slaves of the totalitarian system.
Today, this tragedy is too politicised in Ukraine. Regrettably, the issues of national memory and uniting the nation are a focus of short-term party interests. Unfortunately, the Ukrainian people continue to be the instrument of the public relations campaigns of some politicians, which is inadmissible and only confirms their cynicism.
Two positions were formed in Ukraine and beyond its frontiers in connection with the mass famine in 1932-33. One position classifies Holodomor as genocide, and the other one is only limited to the recognition of the fact of famine. The recognition of Holodomor as genocide is greatly influenced by the geopolitical factor. After Ukraine raised this issue at the international level, the Russian Federation denied the anti-Ukrainian nature of Holodomor. All this resulted in political speculations inside Ukraine as well.
However, after a careful study and analysis of provisions of the 1948 United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, we draw a single conclusion – genocide was applied against the Ukrainian people and Holodomor became the means of its realisation. In fact the artificial conditions were created and they were directed at the complete or partial physical extermination of Ukrainians as a nation and a people.
We ask the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe and to those countries which have not yet done so to recognise the Holodomor of 1932-33 as genocide of the Ukrainian people. Adoption of the appropriate PACE resolution condemning this crime corresponds to the Assembly’s position on condemning crimes committed by totalitarian regimes, in particular, violations of fundamental human rights, one of which is the right to life, and complies with the spirit and principles of the previous PACE Resolutions 1096 (1996) and 1481 (2006).
We stand for the impartial investigation of Holodomor issues and the publication of its results, which is not directed against any third party. We hope for an unbiased PACE report which is caused, above all, by the necessity of restoring the historical truth, commemorating the victims of Holodomor and avoiding similar terrible crimes in the future.
We hope to spread information about the tragedy, at both European and global levels, which given its terrible consequences remains a dark stain on Europe’s history.
This will allow the international community not only to draw conclusions in connection with the events which took place in Ukraine during Stalin’s totalitarian regime but will ensure that similar catastrophes never occur.
The Party of Regions strongly affiliates itself with the position expressed by the European Union that the Holodomor was “an appalling crime against the Ukrainian people, and against humanity”.
We also adhere to the statement by the European Parliament that “European integration has been based on a readiness to come to terms with the tragic history of the 20th century and a recognition that reconciliation with a difficult history does not denote any sense of collective guilt, but forms a stable basis for the construction of a common European future founded on common values and a shared and interdependent future”.
At the same time, the Party of Regions expresses its opinion that any interpretation of the events of 1932-33 in Ukraine should conform to existing international law. It admits that the interpretation of the Holodomor events as a genocide committed against the Ukrainian nation does not meet fully the criteria established for the crime of genocide by the UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide of 1948, which is ratified by 140 nations.
In particular, the convention defines genocide as “any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:
The events of the mass famine that occurred in Ukraine in the years 1932-33 do not conform to this definition of genocide as the latter is contradicted by the following historical facts:
Taking into account the above-mentioned, the Party of Regions appeals for an international, comprehensive and non-politicised historic research of the 1932-33 famine in Ukraine.
As this immense tragedy afflicted many nations that composed the USSR of that time we appeal also for common measures in the framework of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) aimed at commemorating the victims of those tragic events.
The Party of Regions strongly condemns all attempts to enforce criminal or administrative liability for the denial to acknowledge the Holodomor as genocide as stated by President Yushchenko. We believe that such measures are incompatible with the basic principles of the freedom of speech, democracy, and with the principles of free, unhindered research.
Reporting committee: Political Affairs Committee
Draft resolution unanimously adopted by the committee on 15 December 2009
Members of the committee: Mr Göran Lindblad (Chairman), Mr David Wilshire (Vice-Chairman), Mr Björn Von Sydow (Vice-Chairman) (alternate: Mrs Kerstin Lundgren), Mrs Fátima Aburto Baselga, Mr Francis Agius (alternate: Mr Joseph Debono Grech), Mr Alexander Babakov (alternate: Mr Sergey Markov), Mr Viorel Badea, Mr Denis Badré, Mr Andris Bērzinš, Mr Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu, Mr Lorenzo Cesa, Mr Titus Corlăţean, Ms Anna Čurdová, Mr Rick Daems, Mrs Maria Damanaki (Mr Konstantinos Vrettos), Mr Dumitru Diacov, Mr Pol van den Driessche, Ms Josette Durrieu, Mr Frank Fahey, Mr Piero Fassino, Mr György Frunda, Mr Jean-Charles Gardetto, Mr Marco Gatti, Mr Andreas Gross, Mr Michael Hancock, Mr Davit Harutyunyan, Mr Norbert Haupert, Mr Joachim Hörster, Mrs Sinikka Hurskainen, Mr Tadeusz Iwiński, Mr Bakir Izetbegović (alternate: Mr Mladen Ivanić), Mr Michael Aastrup Jensen, Mr Miloš Jevtić, Mrs Birgen Keleş, Mr Victor Kolesnikov (alternate: Mrs Olha Herasym’yuk), Mr Konstantin Kosachev, Mr Jean-Pierre Kucheida, Ms Darja Lavtižar-Bebler, Mr René van der Linden, Mr Dariusz Lipiński, Mr Gennaro Malgieri, Mr Dick Marty, Mr Frano Matušić, Mr Silver Meikar, Mr Evangelos Meimarakis, Mr Dragoljub Mićunović, Mr Jean-Claude Mignon, Mr Aydin Mirzazada, Mr Juan Moscoso del Prado Hernández, Ms Lilja Mósesdóttir, Mr João Bosco Mota Amaral, Mrs Olga Nachtmannová, Mr Gebhard Negele, Mrs Miroslava Nemcová, Mr Zsolt Németh, Mr Fritz Neugebauer (alternate: Mr Franz Eduard Kühnel), Mr Aleksandar Nikoloski, Mr Hryhoriy Omelchenko, Mr Maciej Orzechowski, Mr Ivan Popescu, Mr Christos Pourgourides, Mr John Prescott (alternate: Mr John Austin), Mr Gabino Puche, Mr Amadeu Rossell Tarradellas, Mr Ilir Rusmali, Mr Ingo Schmitt (alternate: Mr Eduard Lintner), Mr Predrag Sekulić, Mr Samad Seyidov, Mr Leonid Slutsky, Mr Rainder Steenblock, Mr Zoltán Szabó (alternate: Mr Mátyás Eörsi), Mr Mehmet Tekelioğlu, Mr Han Ten Broeke, Mr Zhivko Todorov, Lord Tomlinson (alternate: Mr Rudi Vis), Mr Latchezar Toshev, Mr Petré Tsiskarishvili, Mr Mihai Tudose, Mr Ilyas Umakhanov, Mr José Vera Jardim, Mr Luigi Vitali, Mr Wolfgang Wodarg, Mrs Karin S. Woldseth, Ms Gisela Wurm, Mr Emanuelis Zingeris
Ex-officio: Mr Tiny Kox
NB: The names of the members who took part in the meeting are printed in bold
Secretariat of the committee: Mrs Nachilo, Mr Chevtchenko, Mrs Sirtori-Milner