Over-indebtedness of states: a danger for democracy and human rights
Recommendation 1961
(2011)
- Author(s):
- Parliamentary Assembly
- Origin
- Assembly debate
on 11 April 2011 (11th Sitting) (see Doc. 12556, report of the Committee
on Economic Affairs and Development, rapporteur: Mr Omtzigt; Doc. 12571, opinion
of the Social, Health and Family Affairs Committee, rapporteur: Mr
Hunko; and Doc. 12572,
opinion of the Committee on the Environment, Agriculture and Local
and Regional Affairs, rapporteur: Mr Meale). Text adopted by the
Assembly on 11 April 2011 (11th Sitting).
- Thesaurus
1. There can be no good governance
without sound economic governance. In their quest to bring European nations
closer together, a group of states defined the rules of the Stability
and Growth Pact and engaged in the euro project. However, the past
decade, in particular the last few years, has revealed a worrying
inability of many European governments to pursue prudent regulatory
and appropriate public debt policies. A dangerous vicious circle
of excessive debt, large budget deficits and anaemic economic growth
is now threatening the very foundations of European structures and
the quality of life of European citizens.
2. The grand European undertaking originated from human tragedies
and has evolved through crises. The current problems encountered
by the states at the hard core of European integration should serve
as an impetus for more concerted action in terms of political and
economic governance. There is a strong need to repair the economic
system that failed to assess risk correctly and to perform responsibly
in boom years. Although too much power has shifted towards global
financial markets and the private sector, the state remains the
key regulator and the guarantor of the rule of law which underpins
democracy, fundamental rights and the orderly functioning of the
market economy.
3. The Parliamentary Assembly is concerned that short-sighted
national policy decisions have eroded public trust in state institutions,
fuelled speculations about the viability of the European welfare
model and raised tensions between the public and private sectors.
Excessive reliance on the sprawl of financial services to the detriment
of other economic sectors has generated macro-economic imbalances
and financial bubbles. While some bank bailouts have been justified
by the necessity to preserve economic stability, overall it is not fair
to transfer private sector losses to states and ultimately to all
their taxpayers. This distortion in market and governance has to
be fixed to avert similar crises in the future.
4. The Assembly appreciates that increased international economic
interdependence has led to closer multilateral co-operation, via
the G20, aimed at improving regulation of the financial sector,
strengthening the oversight of credit rating agencies and curbing
tax evasion. It notes the creation of the European Financial Stability
Fund in May 2010 as a temporary measure and of the European Systemic
Risk Board, operational since January 2011, together with three
European supervisory authorities for the banking, insurance and securities
sectors. These authorities’ supervisory powers should help detect
and correct at an early stage emerging macro-economic imbalances
and enable better structuring of the activities of credit rating
agencies registered in the European Union.
5. Moreover, the Assembly notes the intention of the European
Commission to propose, in summer 2011, a comprehensive legislative
framework for dealing with ailing banks (that are too big, complex
and interconnected to be allowed to fail) so that they could be
restructured or resolved without making taxpayers carry the burden.
It similarly considers that options for a partial restructuring
of excessive public debt should not be taboo and that framework
mechanisms for orderly restructuring should be examined.
6. The crisis was partially caused by the combination of financial
deregulation and state guarantees to the financial sector. That
combination has lead to the nationalisation of private debt: public
authorities pay the price which should have been paid by shareholders
and bond holders of financial institutions. In the future, guarantees
should always be combined with strict regulation to manage the public
risk of those guarantees. If these guarantees are called upon, the
managers of the financial institutions should pay the price and
have their salaries lowered and refrain from accepting bonus payments.
For if the public sector had not stepped in, their institutions
might well have gone bankrupt. This should be the case as long as
they continue to receive public support.
7. The Assembly is aware that some of the Council of Europe member
states have used dubious practices to minimise their short-term
public deficit. These practices typically lack transparency and
may have grave repercussions on future and long-term state indebtedness.
Notably, derivatives can serve as a useful tool for state debt management,
but also help hide more public debt if they are misused. As disclosure
regarding derivative activity by sovereign borrowers is extremely
scarce, monitoring by “government shareholders” (that is to say,
the taxpayers) can only be weak at best. This lack of disclosure
makes governments less accountable as regards the public debt situation
and reduces the transparency of national statistics.
8. The Assembly therefore stresses the importance of transparency
in a democracy and in the market economy. Without transparency,
democracy remains incomplete because only an adequately informed population
can vote advisedly and thereby exercise political rights in full
knowledge of the facts. In this context, the Assembly recalls the
merit of the media as a watchdog of democracy, as they enable the
public to react to potential abuses of political power or economic
wrongdoing. As public finance management requires faultless transparency
and the principle of consent to taxation is considered one of the
safeguards for democracy, governments must show proof of good intentions
and ensure full transparency of state accounts in order to uphold
democracy.
9. In this respect, it is extremely worrying that member states
have been forced to guarantee each other’s sovereign debt, for instance
in the cases of Iceland and Greece. State debt has thus become interstate
debt. This is only acceptable in truly exceptional circumstances
and should be a very temporary emergency measure. Interstate debt
and guarantees increase systemic risk within Europe as the default
of one state may lead to a chain reaction of debt restructuring,
emergency budgets, increase in money supply and great suffering for
European citizens.
10. The risk of state, and other, guarantees should not be obscured
in the accounts, as they are a real risk to public finances. The
crises in both Ireland and Iceland were the direct consequences
of unsustainable guarantees. Those guarantees should therefore be
reported in full and separately from other business to the parliaments
of the member states. Countries that guarantee sovereign debt and
other debt should fully report on those guarantees in an internationally
consistent way. This also concerns deposit guarantee systems and loans
and guarantees to the financial sector. Off-balance-sheet book keeping
has been a problem in the build-up to the crisis and should thus
be avoided in the state accounts. Therefore, the Assembly invites
the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD)
and Eurostat to issue methodological guidelines for states on more
transparent reporting on state guarantees, no later than within
six months from the adoption of this recommendation.
11. The influence of the financial markets on state governance,
public interest, public conduct of economic policies and European
democratic institutions is worrying. The Assembly considers that
it is necessary to continue the discussions on this issue within
the Council of Europe, including through the Forum for the Future of
Democracy, and in member states’ national parliaments. It underscores
the need for closer interaction and information exchange between
national parliaments, governments and the Bretton Woods institutions,
in particular when the latters’ assistance is sought.
12. The Assembly deplores that states have effectively nationalised
private debt. Article 1 of the Protocol to the European Convention
on Human Rights (ETS No. 9) explicitly prohibits the expropriation
of private property. It should also prohibit the expropriation of
private debt, so that taxpayers are not called upon to pay the price
of failure by private sector institutions.
13. The Assembly recommends that the Committee of Ministers ask
the governments of member states to:
13.1 ensure full transparency and accountability for state
guarantees and to prepare plans for a gradual scaling down of such
guarantees;
13.2 contain the erosion in living standards and citizen’s
socio-economic rights by making every effort to spread the effects
of austerity measures fairly across the population and to spare
vulnerable groups the weight of adjustments;
13.3 show realism in devising graduated strategies for public
debt stabilisation and subsequent reduction through continued fiscal
consolidation combined with structural reforms, sustained stimulus
for growth sectors, improved tax administration and enhanced correlation
between the level of welfare benefits and state revenue;
13.4 have a closer look at the integrity of economists whose
advice to policy makers is as indispensable as it is dubious, or
even manipulative, at times. The Assembly is convinced that the
ethics and responsibility of this profession could be strengthened,
for example by inviting competent bodies to draw up a global, or
at least European, code of conduct, which includes disciplinary
measures.