C Explanatory
memorandum by Mr Hancock, rapporteur
1 Introduction
1. In the current context of an enduring economic and
financial crisis, protection against social exclusion deserves the
particular attention of the Council of Europe member States and
of their national parliaments. Member States are continuing to adopt
budgetary restrictions and austerity programmes to achieve budgetary consolidation.
However, most stakeholders have recognised in the meantime that
the impact of the crisis and of the austerity measures involved
(be it as a root cause or a consequence of some of the crisis symptoms) has
been considerable: rising unemployment in many countries, abolition
or non-renewal of posts in the public sector, decrease in social
benefits, difficulties in accessing housing, education and health
services – to name just a few of the consequences observed.
2. Next to the social rights guaranteed by the European Social
Charter (revised) (ETS No. 163), every genuine democracy
Note also relies on the exercise by
its citizens of civil and political rights as stipulated by the European
Convention on Human Rights (ETS No. 5). However, in practice, social
exclusion also has a considerable impact on the possibility to exercise
these rights.
3. The Parliamentary Assembly, for its part, has adopted several
texts relating to social exclusion, social cohesion or social rights
in recent years – one of the most relevant with regard to the present
concern certainly being
Resolution
1884 (2012) “Austerity measures – a danger for democracy and social
rights”.
4. With regard to the activities undertaken at Council of Europe
level in recent years, it will be interesting to explore to what
extent strategies and measures taken for more social cohesion could
be an effective answer to social exclusion. The focus of the present
report, however, will be the impact of increasing social exclusion on
democratic institutions and participation. Recalling the principle
of the indivisibility of human rights, I would like to base my work
on the following assumption: the respect of social rights, and in
particular the protection against social exclusion, is a necessary
condition for the full exercise of civil and political rights, in
particular democratic participation. The issue is a crucial one
as it not only concerns those excluded or marginalised at an individual
level, but threatens democracy as such. Democracy is clearly lacking
in legitimacy if larger shares of national populations cannot fully
participate in democratic processes and life.
2 Social
exclusion: an obstacle to the exercise of democracy
2.1 Definition and
causes of social exclusion
5. Social exclusion is strongly linked to poverty, but
not all people who are socially excluded are poor and not all people
who are poor are socially excluded. Thus, members of certain societal
groups – for example, minorities, migrants or the disabled – may
be excluded to some extent from full participation in society (and
its democratic and governance expressions) for non-material reasons
linked rather to discrimination, xenophobia, intolerance or legal
status. At the same time, some poor people manage to overcome material
obstacles to participation in society – education is often key.
However, it is obvious that in most cases the deeper the poverty,
and the wider the chasm between the poor and the rest of society,
the stronger the social exclusion.
6. There are enough definitions of social exclusion to fill meters
of shelf-space. Common to all of them is the emphasis on social
exclusion as a dynamic, multidimensional concept which takes into
account cumulative and enduring disadvantage, a sort of dissociation
from mainstream society – in contrast to the more static (but sometimes
more easily measurable) concepts of poverty and deprivation.
Note The most recent definition
used by the Council of Europe
Note is
the following:
“Social exclusion
is a process whereby certain individuals are pushed to the edge
of society and are prevented from participating fully by virtue
of their poverty, or lack of basic competencies and lifelong learning
opportunities, or as a result of discrimination. This distances
them from job, income and educational opportunities, as well as
social and community networks and activities. They have little access
to power and decision-making bodies and thus often feel powerless
and unable to take control over decisions that affect their day-to-day
lives.”Note
7. Before looking at the consequences of social exclusion on
democratic life, I believe it is necessary to briefly touch upon
some of the causes and the current evolution of social exclusion
trends. First, in my own country, the United Kingdom, there has
been a debate on the “deserving” versus the “undeserving” poor spanning
more than two centuries, from the “Poor Law” in the 18th and 19th
centuries, over the “underclass” of the first half of the 20th century
to the concept of “welfare junkies” today. What may have changed
in the last two decades is the increasing popularity of the notion
that practically everyone is at risk of poverty and social exclusion
today: everyone can lose their job (or not find one in the first
place), can fall ill, have an accident, not be able to save enough
money for comfortable retirement, etc., and no-one can be certain
anymore that the social welfare net will make up the difference
and save you from ending up poor and “out”.
Note This is an interesting
development, as it makes social exclusion a more “democratic” problem
in effect.
8. Second, the question of voluntary
Note versus
involuntary social exclusion may arise. In general, only involuntary
social exclusion (whether caused by poverty or discrimination) is
seen as a problem, but in connection with the democracy aspect,
voluntary social exclusion can also be problematic. Thus, certain groups
may voluntarily choose to live so far apart from mainstream society
that social solidarity becomes so far undermined that it creates
problems for democratic politics.
Note In
this respect, we must not forget that inclusion and exclusion may
be two sides of the same coin. Social networks (including ethnic
or religious ones) may be enabling as well as limiting, including
in terms of employment.
Note
2.2 Consequences of
social exclusion on democratic life
9. Social exclusion is not simply a “social phenomenon”:
there is a strong correlation between social exclusion on the one
hand, and the low level of democratic participation and the calling
into question of the legitimacy of democratic institutions on the
other. Social exclusion can have effects not only on access to socio-economic
rights (from the right to work to access to benefits), but also
on civil rights (such as the right to justice or the freedom of
expression) and political rights (participating in the exercise
of political power).
10. In my view, the core problem which social exclusion creates
for people regarding democratic life is the lack of self-determined,
political participation as a stakeholder in the democratic process.
This political participation is not limited to turning out to vote
in elections every few years; it is not even limited to formal political
participation such as membership of political parties. Membership
of trade unions, participation in non-governmental organisations
(NGOs) and other expressions of civil society down to neighbourhood
help and grass-roots initiatives can also be effective indicators
of participation in democratic life.
Note
11. The United Kingdom Electoral Commission published a most interesting
report in November 2005 on social exclusion and political engagement,
the conclusions of which certainly remain largely valid. The report, based
on research and discussion papers from several sources, suggests
that political disengagement and social exclusion consolidate and
drive each other, with social instability and insecurity generating
a lack of faith in politics and the ensuing political disengagement
breaking social and societal bonds even further.
12. Several sub-problems were identified: one is “ghettos” of
social exclusion. This is illustrated by another researcher, Anne
Power:
“Being poor in an area
with many poor people and poor conditions generates a gradual loss
of confidence in ‘the system’. In the largest poverty cluster in
Newcastle for example, only one in ten people vote.”
Note
13. Secondly, there is a rising disaffection among young people.
Young people were found to be the least likely to turn out and vote
and to be the most likely to claim that they felt powerless in the
electoral process [at the 2001 general election].
Note The situation has probably worsened
since, as was also underlined by the Assembly in its
Resolution 1885 (2012) “The young generation sacrificed: social, economic and
political implications of the financial crisis”.
14. Thirdly, a lack of political engagement could be observed
amongst minority communities, in particular of migrant origin. The
United Kingdom Electoral Commission’s first “Audit of political
engagement” found, for example, that only a quarter (23%) of those
from BME communities [Black and Minority Ethnic] said they had discussed
politics or political news with someone else in the last two to
three years, compared to almost two in five (39%) of white people.
Note
15. Fourthly, gender plays a role in political participation.
Overall, political interest is often found to be higher among men
than women, with women generally found to be significantly less
politically active than men, even though they are more likely than
men to participate in “cause-oriented” actions such as signing petitions
and boycotting or buying products for ethical reasons.
Note
16. Finally, experts in other contexts argue that political exclusion
also involves the notion that the State, which grants basic rights
and civil liberties, may not be a neutral agency and may thus discriminate
between social groups. As such, political exclusion can include
the denial of citizenship rights such as political participation
and the right to organise, and also of personal security, the rule
of law, freedom of expression and equality of opportunity.
Note This
shows how different forms of exclusion may be linked and how political
influence may be determined by belonging to a certain social strata,
and it illustrates the great responsibility of the State. These
phenomena are certainly to be observed to a greater or lesser degree
in all Council of Europe member States.
17. Similar problems to those identified in the United Kingdom
have been reported from other countries more recently. German experts
observing the link between social exclusion and democracy confirm
that persons having lower education and income levels participate
less in political processes, and that the gap between the poor and
the rich has even increased in recent decades.
Note The
problem is evidently self-reinforcing because the less socially
disadvantaged people articulate their needs or participate in votes,
the fewer will be those political representatives (in our parliaments
for example) who defend their interests. This trend may, in the
long term, even pose a problem of legitimacy of elected officials.
Those who retract from political processes will be increasingly
frustrated by decisions taken by “those above” and become less and
less confident in their elected representatives and political institutions.
Note
18. As an intermediate conclusion on how social exclusion affects
democratic participation, we can therefore note that:
- ghettos of social exclusion
may accentuate the problem of lower civic participation;
- due to reduced opportunities for economic inclusion via
access to the labour market, young people especially tend to disengage
from political processes;
- ethnic or religious minorities often show a lack of political
engagement or feel under-represented;
- poverty and exclusion affect the democratic participation
of men and women in different ways;
- those living at risk of poverty and social exclusion in
the long term and lose faith in political institutions and tend
to further retract from them or to turn to extremist movements;
- in the light of these issues, the State has an important
role to play in ensuring social cohesion and access to civil and
political rights for everyone.
3 Means of action
to fight social exclusion and foster political participation
3.1 European legal
standards and action
19. The Council of Europe has developed relevant legal
standards to fight social exclusion, most notably the European Social
Charter (revised). In addition to this legally binding instrument
Note comes
a large range of “soft law” instruments created by the Council of
Europe. It goes without saying that their effectiveness hinges on
the extent of their implementation at national level, as well as
monitoring of commitments entered into at European level. It has
become evident most recently that the regular non-conformity between
standards existing at Council of Europe level, in particular the
European Social Charter, and judgments expressed by the European Court
of Justice on the application of relevant European Union directives,
represents another obstacle to effective implementation of social
rights.
Note
20. I believe it useful to recall here the most important provision
of the European Social Charter (revised):
Note
“Article
30 – The right to protection against poverty and social exclusion
With a view to ensuring the effective exercise of the
right to protection against poverty and social exclusion, the Parties
undertake:
a. to take measures within the framework of an overall
and co-ordinated approach to promote the effective access of persons
who live or risk living in a situation of social exclusion or poverty,
as well as their families, to, in particular, employment, housing,
training, education, culture and social and medical assistance;
b. to review these measures with a view to their adaptation
if necessary.”
21. Several bodies of the Council of Europe deal with the promotion,
implementation and monitoring of social rights, the main one being
the European Committee of Social Rights (ECSR).
22. The European Union has also been expending considerable energy
on fighting poverty and social exclusion. The year 2010 was the
“European Year for Combating Poverty and Social Exclusion” – a report analysing
its results has recently been adopted by the European Commission.
Note The
European Union has adopted a strategy (“Europe 2020”) which has
made reducing poverty a main target (“20 million fewer people in
or at risk of poverty”).
23. However, with regard to the present report, it is the European
Commission Recommendation of 3 October 2008 on the active inclusion
of people excluded from the labour market
Note which sets up both more realistic
and more concrete avenues for fighting social exclusion and fostering
political participation: integrated active inclusion policies; expanding
and improving investment in human capital through inclusive education and
training policies, including effective lifelong strategies; adapting
education and training systems in response to new competence requirements;
the need for digital skills and taking the necessary measures to ensure
that all, including the least privileged, are informed of their
rights and of the support available, with the aid, where appropriate,
of information technologies.
3.2 Fighting social
exclusion from different ends
24. Some policy approaches are meant to address the issue
of “social exclusion” through broader “social cohesion” policies.
Whilst “social exclusion” is generally defined as “a process whereby
certain individuals are pushed to the edge of society …” (see chapter
2.1 above on definitions), “social cohesion” is a broader concept referring
to the individual and collective feeling of belonging to a certain
society. It therefore tackles the problem from the other end.
25. At Council of Europe level, and in particular through the
New Strategy and Council of Europe Action Plan for Social Cohesion,
Note social cohesion is defined as “the
capacity of a society to ensure the well-being of all its members
– minimising disparities and avoiding marginalisation – to manage
differences and divisions and ensure the means of achieving welfare
for all members”. Although this definition seems relatively complete
at first glance, the Committee on Social Affairs, Health and Sustainable
Development has already made it clear on several occasions that
it was missing certain notions, such as those of solidarity, tolerance
or responsibility.
Note
26. Some of these concepts can, however, be found in relevant
definitions by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
(OECD), also promoted by United Nations bodies, which I entirely
agree with. According to these, “a cohesive society is one where
people are protected against life risks, trust their neighbours
and the institutions of the State and can work towards a better
future for themselves and their families”, and “fostering social
cohesion is about striving for greater inclusiveness, more civic
participation and creating opportunities for upward mobility. It
is the glue that holds society together”.
Note
27. In consequence, promoting more social cohesion is one of the
“bricks” of policies aimed at preventing the social exclusion of
certain marginalised groups. Furthermore, the OECD definition introduces
a dynamic element into the debate on social cohesion which is defined
as being built around three key values: social inclusion, social
capital and social mobility. In this understanding, social inclusion
refers to the degree to which all citizens can participate on an
equal footing in economic, social and political life (including
protection in times of need); social capital refers to the trust
between people and in institutions and the sense of belonging to
a society; social mobility refers to equality of opportunity to
get ahead. OECD experts are convinced that public policies can make
a difference by investing more resources in social development,
whilst rethinking social and economic policies to ensure that all
citizens have a voice, by fostering civic participation and strengthening democratic
institutions.
Note
28. An interesting approach to fighting social exclusion at different
levels can also be found in the action plan that was prepared and
implemented by previous British governments. The Action Plan on
Social Exclusion of 2006 was based on a most interesting “life-time
approach” developing measures for different stages of the life course
(childhood, youth and working-age adulthood) and suggesting three
dimensions of action for fighting social cohesion: resources, participation
(including political participation) and quality of life.
The Bristol Social Exclusion Matrix
(B-SEM)
|
Resources
|
Material/economic resources
|
|
Access to public and
private services
|
|
Social resources
|
|
Participation
|
Economic participation
|
|
Social participation
|
|
Culture, education and
skills
|
|
Political and civic participation
|
|
Quality
of life
|
Health and well-being
|
|
Living environment
|
|
Crime, harm and criminalisation
|
29. In my view, in order to create truly cohesive societies,
in which all members may enjoy their full set of social and economic,
but also civic and political rights, broader social cohesion policies
and more specific measures taken against the social exclusion (of
certain risk groups) need to complement each other.
3.3 European and national
strategies against social exclusion and their contribution to ensuring broad
democratic participation
30. Strategies against social exclusion are developed
and implemented in various contexts: At the level of the European
Union, poverty and social cohesion are addressed by funding tools
such as the European Social Fund (ESF) and complementary instruments.
From 2014 to 2020, about 80 billion euros will be injected into the
ESF, amongst others with the purpose of reaching a level of 75%
of 20-64 year-olds in employment and at least 20 million fewer people
in or at risk of poverty and social exclusion. In this context,
special attention is paid to vulnerable groups like migrants and
the Roma, and certain long-term challenges, such as “up-skilling” the
workforce in an increasingly complex economy, addressing the requirements
of an ageing society and labour market, ensuring that all women
are free to re-enter the labour market after a break and offering
support to people with disabilities.
Note
31. In the intergovernmental sector of the Council of Europe,
a Methodological Guide to the Concerted Development of Social Cohesion
Indicators was developed in 2005, containing a comprehensive set
of questions and a large number of indicators to understand and
measure social cohesion on the whole, by area of life and for specific
vulnerable groups (minorities, migrants, children, the elderly,
people with disabilities and women).
32. National strategies often set out a broad range of measures
against social exclusion, involving various vulnerable groups or
groups in need of special protection, but do not always tackle the
issue of civic participation. An example in this respect is the
latest National Social Report prepared by the Department of Work
and Pensions of my own government in May 2012. According to this
document, supporting families, young people from disadvantaged backgrounds
and the most disadvantaged adults is amongst the United Kingdom
priorities against poverty and social cohesion, but it does not
mention at all that civic participation is one of the issues to
be addressed. This is a loophole to be overcome by future policies
in this field.
4 Recommended action:
guiding principles and concrete measures
33. I would now like to establish some guiding principles
and propose measures to be applied by member States with a view
to fighting social exclusion in general and with regard to specific
vulnerable groups, as well as to foster the democratic participation
of those excluded or at risk of exclusion.
34. In making concrete proposals for action, I would like to refer
to some of the concepts and assumptions explored above. Resources,
participation (including political participation) and quality of
life are important dimensions of social cohesion. In order to strive
for equal opportunities for all in these dimensions, public policies
should combine broader approaches promoting social cohesion and
more specific action aimed at fighting against social exclusion,
to be differentiated for different stages of the life-course (childhood,
youth, working-age adulthood, later life) and according to gender
criteria. Targeted measures should be applied for particularly vulnerable
groups, notably minorities, migrants and people with disabilities.
Finally, coming back to the main focus of this report, access should
be guaranteed to democratic processes for those in situations or at
risk of social exclusion to ensure that they may express their needs
and find adequate policy responses.
35. According to Article 30 of the European Social Charter (revised)
(“The right to protection against poverty and social exclusion”),
effective access for all must be guaranteed to employment, housing,
training, education, culture and social and medical assistance.
Public policy responses to problems of social and economic exclusion
should therefore fully cover these categories individually and through
transversal action wherever appropriate. The purpose of this report
will not be to provide exhaustive programmes of action and solutions
to fight against social exclusion, but just to raise some general
principles that could be applied to make policies more effective.
4.1 Measures following
the life-cycle approach
36. According to the life-cycle approach that I would
like to strongly support here, political measures and public assistance
and services should be specially designed for each “stage of life”
or age group. These could, for example, include the following measures:
- Children: inclusion
through early childhood education, for example language teaching
for migrant children;
- Youth: active training
and employment policies helping young people to prepare for and
integrate into the labour market;
- Working-age adulthood: measures
for training the long-term unemployed, facilitating the reintegration
of women into labour markets or increasing family income (see more
details below);
- Later life: reforms
of pension systems to ensure adequacy and sustainability of old-age
pensions.
37. Such life-cycle approaches allow measures for different age
groups to be distinguished from those for vulnerable groups, by
avoiding stereotypes and systematically mingling children or the
elderly in general with other social categories. Crossovers are
frequent, for example among migrant children, single mothers or
the elderly poor, but not all children, women or the elderly are
necessarily vulnerable. Issues concerning women should also be covered
in a transversal gender perspective, distinguishing measures required
for women and men, or set in their respective socio-economic context.
38. One of the difficulties of public policies aimed at fighting
social exclusion and its consequences is that many of the resources
are spent on managing and alleviating the symptoms of exclusion.
Instead, policies should be based, to a much greater extent, on
preventive measures aimed at breaking “cycles of disadvantage” with
appropriate measures for specific categories of population. In this
respect, early intervention is of particular importance, as already
promoted by the Assembly in its
Resolution 1995 (2014) on ending child poverty in Europe.
39. Further specific measures against poverty and social exclusion
for different age groups were put forward by the Assembly in its
Resolutions 1800 (2011) on combating poverty,
1828 (2011) on reversing the sharp decline in youth employment,
1882 (2012) on decent pensions for all, or
1885 (2012) “The young generation sacrificed: social, economic and
political implications of the financial crisis”. I recommend that
all governments should once again consult these texts in order to
complete their policies against social exclusion (in particular of
the young and the elderly).
4.2 Income-related
measures
40. Some experts present minimum income security schemes
as the “panacea” for fighting social exclusion. However, very often,
different notions are confused in the political discourse and therefore
“sell” more or less well to the general public. You will find a
definition of the different categories of minimum income and security schemes
in the Appendix.
41. Minimal incomes aimed at preventing poverty can be provided
through various means. Although minimum wage laws are in effect
in many jurisdictions, different views exist about their benefits
and drawbacks (for employment levels, standards of living or attitudes
to work). Whatever the approach followed, I am convinced that every
State should find its way to guaranteeing minimum levels of family
income, either by providing an overall legal minimum wage or by
facilitating sector agreements achieved through social dialogue (which
is considered a core element of the European Social Model).
Note Note Guaranteed
minimum income schemes or living wage concepts can be complementary
approaches, as first experiences show. Basic income or citizen income
schemes are considered too utopic by many. In the public debate,
such concepts are less popular than in the 1980s or 1990s; Swiss
voters explicitly rejected the idea in a referendum in 2013.
Note
42. However, the level of income is not the only determinant of
social inclusion; another essential element of inclusive labour-market
policies is the redistribution of work amongst the working population
through education and training – in a context of increasing technology-orientation
and complexity of work processes, “up-skilling” the workforce is
essential. Also needed are growth strategies which not only lower
unemployment levels, but create quality jobs allowing participation
in social security systems. Those who are obliged to work part-time
for many years and pass from one precarious contract to the next,
often interrupted by periods of unemployment, may not find economic
stability in the long term. Inclusion must therefore not only be understood
as a concept for guaranteeing social rights and security for present
working-age persons but also follow transgenerational and long-term
approaches, for example pursue sustainable development strategies.
4.3 Measures for groups
in need of special support
43. In practice and with a view to preventing social
exclusion and intervening at an early stage, overall life-cycle
approaches need to be closely linked to certain vulnerable groups,
as some of the above examples already show (for example migrant
children). In recent times of financial and economic crisis, various
groups have regularly been identified as being in need of special
support.
44. The Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, in his
recent issue paper on “Safeguarding human rights in times of economic
crisis”, identifies migrant workers, ethnic minorities (for example
the Roma), working women, children and young people and people with
disabilities amongst those who feel the impact of the crisis disproportionally.
Note
45. Of course, such groups may vary over time and in specific
national contexts. Action plans aimed at fighting social exclusion
and marginalisation and improving the situation of the most vulnerable,
therefore need to be developed at national levels and should be
updated very regularly, based on close monitoring of national developments.
They should also cover the key areas identified as determining for
the social status and inclusion of any person, namely education
and training, the creation of quality jobs and equal access to social rights
and social security systems.
46. With regard to minorities in particular, phenomena of “ghettoisation”
are to be prevented wherever possible, even though social networks
of any kind (including ethnic or religious ones) may have enabling
and limiting consequences, as already mentioned earlier. The fact
that certain communities are geographically “regrouped” in specific
urban areas may be instrumental in order to reach out to them in
a proactive manner through inclusive action (for example social
work, education, employment and other measures). Civil society organisations
certainly have a particular responsibility in this field, as the
Assembly already highlighted in its
Resolution 1778 (2010) on promoting volunteering in Europe.
4.4 Measures aimed
at ensuring and promoting democratic participation of those at risk
of exclusion
47. Promoting the democratic participation of those who
are marginalised or at risk of exclusion (for various reasons) is
a complex challenge and cannot be undertaken by one-dimensional
responses – action must be taken at different levels and by different
players simultaneously and in the most coherent manner. A starting point
could be national action plans which specifically address this issue.
A good example for the format of such programmes could be the Disability
Agenda of the Disability Rights Commission in the United Kingdom
in 2007 and in which detailed measures were listed for different
stakeholders (governments, social and health-care services, local
authorities, NGOs etc.) to increase democratic participation and
active citizenship of persons with disabilities.
Note
48. Whilst I have highlighted some of the challenges linked to
the democratic participation of those who are socially excluded
in this text, I am not in a position to outline the exact pathway
for designing inclusive democratic structures and processes due
to the great complexity of the subject matter. Such processes certainly
need to be further discussed and developed in each national context.
Next to measures aimed at generally fighting poverty and social
exclusion, and thus improving the socio-economic position of people (including
their level of education and subsequent sustainable employment opportunities),
some experts recommend further structural and early intervention
measures.
49. With a view to improving the democratic participation of those
groups of population which are disadvantaged or excluded in some
way, it is possible to mention: 1) the introduction of elements
of direct democracy, thus allowing civil society organisations in
touch with disadvantaged groups of the population to reach out to
their “clients” and defend their interests; 2) civic education starting
at an early age; 3) the promotion of an “easy to understand” communication
about political decisions and processes; 4) as the most “extreme” measure,
the introduction of compulsory voting.
Note In order to find the most appropriate
measures for their national context, governments should dedicate
time to the exchange of best practice in this field and find inspiration
in the innovative approaches tried elsewhere which might already
have proved effective.
50. As the Commissioner for Human Rights stated in his Issue Paper,
Note civil
and political rights, such as the right to participate in public
affairs and to transparency through the provision of timely, accessible
and relevant information, have suffered as a result of the crisis.
He further noted that the frequent failure to consult with the people,
for example on austerity measures, had provoked large-scale demonstrations,
especially in Spain, Portugal and Greece, and that harsh reactions
to social unrest might engender mistrust in the democratic system
as such.
51. Indeed, it seems of utmost importance to uphold the highest
standards of democracy and good governance even, or especially,
in crisis situations. Some guidance in this respect can be found
in an instrument developed by the Council of Europe for the local
level and which has been promoted by the Assembly on previous occasions:
the twelve principles set out by the “Strategy for Innovation and
Good Governance at Local Level”, as adopted by the Committee of
Ministers in March 2008.
Note These
also refer to important concepts such as openness and transparency
or human rights, cultural diversity and social cohesion and make
them well worth being promoted at European level.
52. Standards related to the participation of citizens in local
public life are also provided in Committee of Ministers Recommendation
Rec(2001)19 on the participation of citizens in local public life,
as well as amongst some of the more recent texts adopted by the
Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of the Council of Europe,
such as Resolution 326 (2011) on citizen participation at local
and regional level in Europe, Resolution 332 (2011) on education
for democratic citizenship or, very recently, Resolution 366 (2014) on
empowering Roma youth through participation: effective policy design
at local and regional levels. Of course, the local level plays a
particular role when it comes to improving the democratic participation
of disadvantaged or marginalised groups of the population because
these are the best known to local decision-makers and social services
may reach out to their “problematic” groups and areas in the most
effective manner. On the side of the Parliamentary Assembly, the
most relevant texts in this field are
Resolution 1618 (2008) “State of democracy in Europe: Measures to improve the
democratic participation of migrants” and
Resolution 1964 (2013) on good governance of large metropolises.
5 Conclusions
53. With regard to fighting social exclusion, the provisions
of the European Social Charter (revised), the legally binding instrument
of the Council of Europe to protect social and economic rights,
are key. In order to develop throughout Europe an area of common
principles of protection of social and economic rights, it is necessary
to further promote the signature, the ratification and the implementation
by member States of the Charter, of the 1991 Protocol amending the
European Social Charter (ETS No. 142, “Turin Protocol”), and the Additional
Protocol of 1995 Providing for a System of Collective Complaints
(ETS No. 158). All member States should in particular accept the
provisions of Article 30 of the European Social Charter (revised)
on the right to protection against poverty and social exclusion,
and fully implement its provisions.
54. However, the fight against social exclusion is not limited
to the promotion of social rights, but also implies more broadly
the promotion of civil and political rights, on which every democracy
relies. There are no standard “recipes” for achieving social cohesion
and fighting social exclusion or for ensuring the democratic participation of
those at risk of exclusion. Once the European challenge described
in this report has been recognised by all stakeholders, namely that
democracy as such is at stake if social rights are not guaranteed,
appropriate policies need to be developed at the national level
where decision-makers will know which “policy mix” to follow to
ensure inclusion and outreach to marginalised groups.
55. In the light of the links between social exclusion and democracy
highlighted by the present report and some of the concrete measures
suggested above, I would like to propose that the Assembly submit
a catalogue of action to member States’ governments. These should
be based on the three main categories developed above: general measures
against social exclusion; specific measures for marginalised groups
or those at risk of social exclusion (involuntary or voluntary);
and specific measures aimed at strengthening the democratic participation
of those excluded in particular.
56. Many substantial ideas for legislative and political action
are drawn from texts already adopted by the Parliamentary Assembly,
where the situation of specific age groups, groups in need of special
protection or support or other aspects of social cohesion have already
been explored. Much substantial work has also been accomplished
by the intergovernmental sector of the Council of Europe, in the
preparation of the new Strategy and Action Plan for Social Cohesion
of 2010 and related methodological tools. However, some of these
tools have proved to be of (too) great complexity, and the development
of more manageable tools, following a political agenda addressing
the most urgent issues, could be useful.
57. We should all recognise that the protection against social
exclusion and the creation of true social cohesion to the greatest
extent possible is a fundamental basis for democracy. Poverty and
social exclusion are not only threats to individual human rights
– social and economic or civil and political rights – but to democracy
as such. Furthermore, a democracy which is not inclusive and does
not take into account the concerns and needs of the whole population
will tend to further discriminate certain societal groups because they
will always be less well represented than others in democratic processes,
including those allocating resources.
