B Explanatory memorandum
by Ms Stienen, rapporteur
1 Introduction
1. As long as women, 50% of the
world population, have lesser access to education, health care,
the labour market, property, financial means, the public and political
arenas, policies focused on gender equality will be necessary. Following
decades of progress, some political, economic and social rights,
as well as the right to health, which were considered acquis, are
being threatened. Ahead of International Women’s Rights Day 2020, the
Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights Dunja Mijatović
stressed that “In some areas progress has stalled due to persistent
structural obstacles and an increasing backlash, combined with the
lack of a sufficient and robust State response”.
Note
2. Persistent gender inequality and gender-based discrimination,
violence against women and limited participation of women in decision-making
in too many countries led Sweden to officially launch its feminist foreign
policy
Note in 2014. By doing so, it made the
promotion and protection of the human rights of women and girls
a priority in actions to be undertaken by the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs and committed itself to implementing a foreign policy agenda
with a gender perspective. “Gender equality is not a separate women’s
issue – it benefits everyone. Research shows that gender equal societies
enjoy better health, stronger economic growth and higher security.
It also shows that gender equality contributes to peace, and that
peace negotiations in which women have taken part have a better
chance of being sustainable” stated former Minister Margot Wallström,
Note whose
strong leadership has been instrumental for the success of this
policy. A growing body of research and evidence, not least as a
result of the work of the United Nations on the link between women, peace
and security shows that, in addition to gender equality being a
fundamental human right, greater gender equality and pursuing a
feminist foreign policy would make the world more sustainable, prosperous
and safer.
Note
3. An increasing number of countries have integrated a gender
perspective in their foreign policy with the understanding that
a gender approach is beneficial for all citizens. Canada, Finland,
France, the Netherlands, Sweden and the United Kingdom have been
pioneers in this regard. International organisations such as the Council
of Europe, the European Union and the United Nations do the same
in their respective co-operation policies and external actions.
Notably, in the UN Agenda 2030 and its Sustainable Development Goals
(SDGs), gender equality is both a goal in its own right and an accelerator
for the achievement of all other goals. Progress in achieving these
goals is measured regularly.
4. The Covid-19 pandemic has shown us once more that gender equality
and women’s rights must be an integral part of policy responses
to crises. The Covid-19 has affected the whole society and has a
different impact on women, minority groups and people with various
socio-economic backgrounds. While, with this report, I advocate
for a gender dimension specifically in foreign policy, we should,
in my view, call for a gendered and inclusive
Note approach
to trigger global sustainable change.
2 Scope of the report
5. The motion for a resolution
which is at the origin of this report stresses that the Parliamentary
Assembly should examine the different approaches through which the
gender perspective in foreign policy can help promote gender equality
and women’s rights. I have therefore tried to analyse the place
given to gender equality in foreign policies and collect experiences
and good practices. I have examined the experiences of Canada, Finland,
France, the Netherlands and Sweden.
Note Even though
our focus is on gender dimensions of foreign policies, where possible,
I have also looked into the challenges encountered in the implementation
of these policies and the impact the promotion of gender equality
and inclusion has had on diplomatic relations when other priorities
are at stake such as foreign trade and security.
Note I have also looked into what has been done
in this field by the Council of Europe, the European Union
Note and
the United Nations.
6. In addition, it has been relevant to study the correlation
between national and external policies on gender equality. We could,
as an example, wonder if there is a gendered approach to intimate
partner violence and if there is an inclusive approach to decisions
taken with regard to healthcare, labour market and participation
in the media. Looking at the nominations of ambassadors
Note or
high-level positions in regional and international organisations
can be very telling. Practicing what one preaches provides credibility.
7. Furthermore, research and a growing body of evidence have
shown that women’s participation in peacebuilding increases its
chances of success. I have therefore also looked at the role that
women can play in peacebuilding and how their participation in these
processes can be encouraged by foreign policies promoting gender
equality and the participation of women of different backgrounds
and walks of life.
8. The scope of the report goes beyond what I had initially foreseen,
since the Covid-19 pandemic makes us all reflect on the need to
ensure a comprehensive response which would include a gender and
inclusive dimension. A sustainable and long-term approach would
be beneficial to all people in our member States and beyond.
3 Working
methods
9. I would like first of all to
thank all the persons who have contributed to the preparation of
this report, by participating in hearings, allocating time to meet
during fact-finding visits and other bilateral meetings, providing comments
or helping with the organisation of meetings during visits. It has
been a process which allowed me to discuss with a variety of interlocutors
from several countries.
10. I started to work on this report by conducting desk research,
collecting official information provided by ministries of foreign
affairs, analysing data and reports available within the Council
of Europe
Note and reports prepared by think tanks,
academics and NGOs. My conception of the gender dimension of foreign
policy is an inclusive one and also extends to including the promotion
of the rights of LGBTI people.
11. The committee held a first hearing on 9 April 2019 in Strasbourg
with H.E. Torbjörn Haak, former Ambassador and Permanent Representative
of Sweden to the Council of Europe and Ms Laila Ait Baali, Political
Coordinator of Wo=Men, which is a Gender Platform based in the Netherlands.
The committee held another hearing on 1 October 2019 in Strasbourg,
during which Ambassador Nina Nordström, Permanent Representative
of Finland to the Council of Europe, presented the priorities of
the Finnish Ministry of Foreign Affairs as regards the gender dimension
of foreign policy. The committee also discussed with Ms Marie-Cécile Naves,
Director of the Observatory on Gender and Geopolitics at the Institute
of International and Strategic Relations (Paris)
Note and
with Ms Simone Filippini, who is the President of the Leadership4SDGs
Foundation. She stressed how the implementation of the UN 2030 Agenda
for Sustainable Development is closely linked to making the promotion
of gender equality a priority in foreign policy. She also emphasised
the importance of good leadership. In her view, leaders should educate
themselves about the importance of gender equality in foreign policy.
A third hearing was held on 4 December 2019 in Paris with the participation
of: Ms Agnès Von der Mühl, Spokesperson of the Quai d’Orsay, Senior
Official for equality of rights between women and men, Ministry
for Europe and Foreign Affairs; H.E. Isabelle Hudon, Ambassador
of Canada to France; and Ms Jennifer Cassidy, Departmental Lecturer
in Global Governance and Diplomacy, University of Oxford, who shared
with us the results of her research on the gender of diplomacy.
Note
12. Considering the commitment and leadership of Sweden on this
topic and its willingness for its experience to be used as an example
of good practice,
Note I carried out a fact-finding visit to
Sweden on 10-11 October 2019, during which I met with government
representatives, parliamentarians, representatives of non-governmental organisations
(NGOs) and think tanks which have been working on this issue. I
also carried out a fact-finding visit to The Hague on 5 February
2020, during which I met with representatives of the ministries
of Defence, Foreign affairs, Finance, Education, Culture and Science,
NGOs and civil society actors.
13. Since March 2020, work on the preparation of the report has
taken into account developments, at policy and diplomatic level,
related to the international response to the Covid-19 pandemic.
I had planned to participate in the Commission on the Status of
Women (CSW), which was scheduled to take place in March in New York.
Due to the Covid-19 pandemic, the 64th session of the commission
(CSW 64) was shortened to a one-day event open only to national
delegations to the UN. It adopted a political declaration which
emphasises that gender equality and the empowerment of all women
and girls will make a crucial contribution to progress across all
the Goals and Targets of the 2030 Agenda.
Note
14. The year 2020 is the 25th anniversary of the Beijing declaration
as well as the 20th anniversary of the UN Security Council Resolution
1325 on women, peace and security. The two Generation Equality Forum events,
which were scheduled to be hosted by Mexico (May 2020) and Paris
(July 2020) have been postponed to 2021. The current crisis has
seen conferences and events going online and thus allowing for exchanges
of information and expertise during webinars, Zoom or BlueJeans
events, to mention just a few. They have continued to provide a
platform for interesting and valuable discussions with experts and
representatives of high-level government, regional and international
organisations or civil society and academia. I myself attended the
webinar on “Covid-19: A Gender Perspective on the Growing Humanitarian
Crisis” organised by the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and
Security on 8 April 2020
Note. I also followed the
webinar organised by the committee on “Covid-19 and violence against
women: a holistic response based on the standards of the Council
of Europe Istanbul Convention on preventing and combating violence
against women and domestic violence”, held on 5 May 2020. In addition,
the committee held a webinar on “Covid-19 and Sexual and Reproductive
Health and Rights: Challenges and Opportunities” on 19 May 2020.
The webinar on the gender dimension of foreign policy in the response
to Covid-19, which took place on 11 June 2020, provided an opportunity
to exchange with key experts on the importance of a gender dimension
of foreign policy, including in the response to the Covid-19 pandemic.
Note
4 Making
women’s rights a priority in foreign policy: country examples
4.1 Sweden
15. In 2014, under the leadership
of Margot Wallström, former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Sweden
launched its pioneering foreign feminist policy following years
of a long-standing priority and commitment to supporting programmes
which promote gender equality throughout the world. Ms Wallström
stated that she used to quote Gandhi, who said, “First they ignore
you, then they laugh at you, then they fight you, and then you win”.
Note The Swedish
feminist foreign policy has indeed been an inspiration for other
countries.
16. Since the 1970s, successive Swedish governments have made
gender equality a priority (for example, through introducing parental
leave, affordable childcare and separate taxation for spouses).
Launching a feminist foreign policy was not perceived as a surprise
but as a logical consequence of the priority given to gender equality
policies at national and international levels over many years. Long
before 2014, countries such as Sweden and the Netherlands have systematically
included significant gender components in their support to other
countries, by providing funding to women's rights organisations,
promoting gender equality and funding programmes to prevent and
combat gender-based violence.
17. Mr Torbjörn Haak, former Ambassador and Permanent Representative
of Sweden to the Council of Europe, described this policy as “systematically
including a gender dimension in policy-making and using gender-mainstreaming
as a working method”. The Swedish feminist foreign policy aims at
applying a gender equality perspective and is based on the three
Rs: rights, representation and resources.
Note A
fourth pillar called “reality” was added to stress that tools and
pragmatism were needed.
Note The promotion of equal rights,
support for the adoption of measures towards a higher participation
of women in economic and political life and the allocation of sufficient
resources to programmes supporting women’s rights have been the
pillars of this foreign policy. Its objective is to ensure the full
enjoyment of the human rights of women and girls through specific actions
of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) and targeted development
aid.
18. During my fact-finding visit, I had meetings with Ms Ann Bernes,
Ambassador for feminist foreign policy at the MFA, who pointed out
that the policy had become one of the most well-known Swedish policies
to date, not least thanks to the powerful leadership of Ms Wallström.
Ms Bernes pointed out that the word “feminist” was used as a label
with a view to giving the policy more visibility, and therefore
more power to it. This choice moved the focus from a traditional
policy to a more progressive one that was “easy to do and hard to
avoid”. The feminist foreign policy was launched with the objective
of triggering a real policy transformation that went further than
activities simply promoting gender equality.
19. The policy was developed in consultation with the entire Swedish
Foreign Service. Staff were encouraged to play an active role and
submit suggestions and ideas to the team preparing the policy. This inclusive
approach was welcomed by staff and made them take ownership for
the final result. Their close association and contribution throughout
the process has been very important for its successful implementation. Within
the ministry, staff took part in seminars and internal guidelines
were modified to reflect the goals of this policy. Strong emphasis
was placed on internal communication to present and explain the
policy. Focal points for the feminist foreign policy have been appointed
in every department of the Foreign Service and every mission abroad.
Ms Bernes stressed the need to “vaccinate the system” to ensure
institutional ownership of the policy. I was also told that there
is a sense of pride among the MFA officials who present and explain
the policy in universities, at conferences and other events at a
national and international level. All Swedish ambassadors are required
to promote, and regularly report on, the implementation of the policy.
The feminist foreign policy handbook highlights the importance of
taking a leadership role; continuously recommending the policy in
speeches, articles and social media posts; giving priority to feminist
foreign policy during official visits and contacts; and delivering
frequent messages and proposals on the development and implementation
of the policy. Political leadership, therefore, has been instrumental
in making this policy a reality. This policy received the support
of the whole government.
20. Promoting gender equality in recruitment and appointments
is an important dimension of the policy. Parity has been reached
regarding managerial positions and around 40% of Sweden’s ambassadors
are women. The appointment of the Swedish Ambassador for Gender
Equality, who is also the official Coordinator of Feminist Foreign
Policy, shows that the implementation of the policy is a priority
at the highest government and political level. A feminist foreign
trade policy was launched during the summer of 2019.
21. Women’s participation in peace processes and combating sexual
violence in conflict were the areas selected as initial priorities
and specific programmes were launched in these fields. The gender
coach programme and training for commanders are organised by the
Swedish Agency for Peace, Security and Development. Gender coaches
prepare persons appointed to participate in peace missions. More
than half of secondments to international organisations are women.
22. The feminist foreign policy has made a positive difference
by sending a clear message about Sweden’s political commitment in
this regard. By way of example, 22% of the programmes of the Swedish
International Development Agency (SIDA) are allocated to gender
equality, compared to 17% before the launch of the feminist foreign
policy. Furthermore, SIDA received a special allocation of SEK 200
million from the government for gender-related programmes following
the launch of the policy. This approach has inspired other countries
to follow suit in their agenda for Gender and Foreign Policy.
Note
23. While Swedish feminist foreign policy has been widely welcomed
and praised, most of the actions foreseen within the policy concern
women and girls. A common criticism of the feminist foreign policy
is that men, and their role, are not sufficiently addressed. For
this policy to be both complete and successful, it is essential
to engage men at every level. Ms Elin Bjarnegård, Associate Professor
at Uppsala University stressed during our meeting in Stockholm that
having male allies was crucial for the success of the feminist foreign
policy. In addition, it is important to look at the role of men
as potential perpetrators of violence against women. Bert Koenders,
former Dutch Minister of Foreign Affairs, stressed during the webinar
held on 11 June that domestic violence was definitely an issue that
men and male leaders had to address.
24. Research has shown that looking at values will give insights
into what direction countries are moving. Feminist values can be
considered inclusive values whereas patriarchal values promote a
hierarchy in society. Including some women in the army does not
mean that the attitudes and the functioning of the army have changed.
Promoting feminist values in every administration and every forum;
changing mindsets; promoting overall gender equality policies and
legislation; proactively engaging all men and boys in the transformative processes;
and working closely with male role models could all contribute to
making a difference and ensuring the policy’s successful implementation.
25. During the meetings and exchanges, there was a perceptible
general concern relating to a possible change in priorities. In
an ever-changing national and international context, in the future
more attention could be given to territorial defence, cybersecurity
or migration policies, to the detriment of the feminist foreign
policy.
26. To conclude, the feminist foreign policy has paved the way
for dialogue and created a political platform to promote gender
equality and women’s rights at both national and international levels.
One obvious result of the feminist policy has been the ability of
Sweden to raise the question of gender equality and women’s rights in
international fora in a systematic way. Its interlocutors must be
prepared to reply on these issues, thus drawing attention to and
generating debates and discussions around them and influencing decision
making and decision taking processes. In addition, a pledge was
made not to participate in panels where only one gender is represented
(parity panel pledge).
27. Political will and real action are essential when it comes
to the promotion and protection of gender equality and framing it
in a concrete, workable policy. Going beyond slogans is crucial
– simply stating “more women, more peace” is not enough. If there
had been only media announcements and no concrete actions following
the launch of the feminist foreign policy, the policy would not
have known the success it enjoys today. The gender dimension of
foreign policy is not only a vision but a framework for tangible
and well-focused activities. Overall, this policy has been evaluated
positively by the Swedish MFA: “More than five years of the policy
have shown that it produces tangible results, inspires others to
follow, contributes to alliance building and is seen as a hope-inspiring
force”.
Note The
policy continues being a priority and a follow-up plan was published.
Note
4.2 Canada
28. Canada launched its Feminist
International Assistance Policy in 2017. Its core areas include
gender equality and the empowerment of girls, human dignity, growth
that works for everyone, environment and climate action, inclusive
governance, peace and security. Foreign trade is another area guided
by an inclusive approach. All free trade agreements negotiated or
agreed in the past two years include measures to help women. The
Canadian Ambassador stressed in her presentation to the committee
that within the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA),
a co-operation mechanism on gender equality has been set up.
29. With regard to peace and security, Canada rapidly deploys
experts to investigate alleged human rights violations, war crimes
and crimes against humanity. It supported the deployment of experts
to Burma to investigate sexual and gender-based crimes against Rohingyas.
It launched the Elsie initiative for the participation of women
in peace operations in 2017 (presented in the chapter on women,
peace and security) and works closely with UN Women to accelerate
the deployment of women to UN peace operations.
30. In addition, Canada made gender equality a priority on the
political agenda of the G7 when it held the presidency in 2018.
In April 2018, over 60 feminist activists gathered in Ottawa to
build a feminist vision for the G7. “All issues are feminist issues”
was an over-arching theme. “Participants urged G7 leaders to invest
in gender equality and women’s rights. They also encouraged leaders
to engage with women from marginalised communities and incorporate
feminist approaches into all their policies and investments”.
Note In
its report “Make gender inequality history”, the Gender Equality
Advisory Council, appointed by Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, makes
a series of recommendations to the leaders of the G7, including
to “commit to instituting a G7 Gender Equality Advisory Council,
and to track and report on G7 performance on gender equality actions
and commitments, as well as achieving gender parity in G7 country,
ministerial, and sherpa delegations by 2025”.
Note
31. Ms Jacqueline O’Neill was appointed as Canada’s first Ambassador
for Women, Peace and Security in July 2019 to incarnate the Canadian
feminist diplomacy. “When women play an active role in conflict
prevention and peacebuilding, and when their rights are respected,
we are better able to achieve long-term, sustainable peace”, stressed
Prime Minister Justin Trudeau upon her appointment. She currently
leads the country’s efforts to support women and to prevent and
end conflict.
32. In her address to the committee on 4 December 2019, Ambassador
Hudon pointed out that political leadership at national level was
at the heart of efforts to promote women’s rights. Mechanisms are
in place to ensure that each policy is reviewed through a comparative
gender analysis. Since 2015, the number of Canadian women diplomats
has risen from 29% to 50%, pushed by a strong willingness from top
leadership. Women diplomats have been appointed to the highest positions
in Paris, London, Rome and the consulate in New York.
33. Canada allocates USD 1,4 billion of funding per year to promote
women and girls’ health and rights and it has committed to continue
doing so over a period of 10 years. In 2019, Canada hosted the Women
Deliver Conference on Women’s Health and Rights in Vancouver, an
event which brought together more than 8 000 participants from 160
countries. An additional 100 000 people followed the event online,
thus raising the visibility of these issues and promoting concrete
initiatives to uphold women’s and girls’ health rights.
4.3 Finland
34. Finland is a pioneer of promoting
and implementing gender mainstreaming in all policies and areas
and its foreign policy is no exception. During the hearing with
our committee on 1 October 2019, Ambassador Nordström stressed that
equality in all forms made economic and political sense and highlighted
the importance of coherence between domestic and foreign policies.
35. The priorities of Finland’s feminist foreign policy include
sexual and reproductive health and rights; supporting the 2030 Sustainable
development agenda; the fight against gender-based violence and
the protection of women’s rights defenders. As an example, during
its presidency of the European Union, Finland encouraged all EU
Member States to ratify the Council of Europe Convention on preventing
and combating violence against women and domestic violence (CETS
No. 210, “Istanbul Convention”). In addition, in 2017, Finland created
an International Gender Equality Prize, which is awarded every other
year to a person or an organisation that has advanced gender equality.
4.4 France
36. Considering that women’s participation
in peace processes is essential, and that full and equal participation
of women in all walks of life leads to building a society which
is fairer for all, France has actively engaged in a feminist diplomacy
which includes, among other priorities, combating sexual violence
and sexual harassment, supporting women’s empowerment and promoting
the presence of women in peace-keeping operations. French feminist
diplomacy is built around two pillars: the internal pillar aims
to integrate the gender perspective into the functioning of the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the external pillar aims to extend
it to the whole French foreign policy.
Note
37. The French feminist diplomacy has received attention and support
at the highest political level. In September 2018, Emmanuel Macron,
President of the French Republic, called for equality between women and
men to become a great global cause: “It is time for our world to
stop seeing women as victims and to give them the place they deserve,
they can also be leaders! We should guarantee access to education,
health, employment, economic and political decision-making and combat
all forms of violence against women.”
Note
38. Following on the work carried out by Canada, France extended
and renewed the Gender Equality Advisory Council established under
the Canadian presidency of the G7. The 35 members of the Council prepared
recommendations for advancing gender equality and the empowerment
of girls and women for the G7 at its summit in Biarritz on 24-26
August 2019. It stressed that “girls and women are powerful agents
of change but cannot realise their full potential due to the discrimination
and violence they face worldwide”.
NoteThe Council
called “on G7 States to establish a feminist foreign policy and
make gender equality a priority of their foreign policy and official
development assistance”. The members of the Council also reiterated
the call to allocate 0.7% of gross national income to development
assistance. The Advisory Council presented 79 legislative measures
from around the world which support the achievement of gender equality
and the empowerment of women and girls, and which are considered
as good practices and concrete, inspirational examples for change
at legislative and policy level. It encouraged the ratification
of the Istanbul Convention.
Note
39. The G7 leaders adopted a statement on gender equality and
women’s empowerment on 26 August 2019, in which they stated that
“gender equality is essential to the full and equal enjoyment of
all human rights and to the achievement of lasting development and
peace” and stressed the importance of supporting victims of sexual
violence in time of conflict, and making the education and training
of women and girls a priority.
Note This statement
is the founding element of the Biarritz partnership for gender equality.
Note Several
countries, namely Australia, Chile, India and Senegal have joined
the Biarritz partnership since that date. Ukraine also announced
its intention to join.
Note
40. In 2019, the French Agency for Development created a grant
budget of €120 million to support programmes promoting and protecting
women’s rights.
Note The amount
allocated to these grants is expected to increase over the coming
years. “France has announced that 50% of French official development
assistance must be allocated to measures supporting gender equality
by 2022”.
Note The objective
is to reach a total of €700 million for projects promoting gender
equality.
41. During the Commission on the Status of Women in 2019, Ms Marlène
Schiappa, the State Secretary for equality between women and men
and the fight against discrimination actively promoted making universal
the Istanbul Convention and showed unequivocal support for programmes
promoting and protecting sexual and reproductive rights. The priorities
of the French Presidency of the Committee of Ministers of the Council
of Europe included gender equality and promoting the ratification
and implementation of the Istanbul Convention.
42. Measures were also taken within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
to promote gender equality. “In the past five years, the number
of female French ambassadors has doubled, with 52 of them now representing
France abroad”.
Note I was informed
that in Croatia, a couple has shared the function of ambassador
of France, with one spouse having the functions of ambassador the
first 6 months of the year and the other spouse appointed ambassador
for the last 6 months of the year. Women are actively encouraged
to apply for leadership positions. In 2018, 39% of appointments
for the highest positions (ambassador, director) were women (compared
to 30% in 2017). In addition, a network of equality correspondents
was created to ensure the inclusion of a gender perspective in the
actions of the ministry at central level and abroad.
43. France has also engaged in a feminist diplomacy to structure
a progressive response to the threat and the backlash against women’s
rights and action to establish links between women’s rights and
climate change. As part of the French feminist diplomacy, Ms Schiappa
has warned against the multiple threats Covid-19 presents for women’s
rights worldwide
Note and
called for a comprehensive response.
4.5 The
Netherlands
44. On 5 February 2020, I carried
out a fact-finding visit to The Hague, during which I had the opportunity
to discuss the gender dimension of Dutch foreign policy with a variety
of interlocutors. In the past 25 years, the Netherlands has been
actively promoting women's rights and sexual and reproductive health
and rights at international level. The Netherlands are particularly
active at the United Nations in combating gender-based discrimination
and have been a pioneer in the field of women, peace and security,
including with regard to the implementation of UN Security Council
Resolution 1325, as well as in the promotion of sexual and reproductive health
and rights
Note.
Dutch diplomats regularly advocate equal rights for women and girls
and ask for their inclusion on the agendas of international organisations.
In addition, the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs provides financial
support to a number of international programmes promoting gender
equality and women's rights. As an example, it supports the SDG
5 fund, providing funding to women's rights organisations. Communication
and co-operation with civil society are to be commended.
45. Dutch foreign policy pursues four main goals: “prevention
and elimination of violence against women and girls, a fair share
in political and decision-making power, economic empowerment and
self-reliance and a fair share in conflict-resolution, peacebuilding
and reconstruction”.
Note The Minister of Foreign Trade and International
Co-operation Sigrid Kaag who has had a long career within the UN
system, often speaks out on the importance of including gender and
attention for sexual and reproductive health and rights in international relations.
Note
46. At the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, dialogue is facilitated
through weekly meetings of the Women's Rights and Gender Equality
Task Force (established in 2014) with representatives of the departments
for social development, human rights, sexual and reproductive health
and rights and humanitarian aid of the MFA. Current priorities of
the Task force are gender diplomacy (there can be no effective and
inclusive diplomacy if there is no participation of women); gender
specific programmes; and gender mainstreaming. 30% of Dutch ambassadors
and 40% of directors at the MFA are women. Online training on gender
is available for ministry staff members (gender and crisis, gender
and sustainable development). There is an understanding that gender
literacy should be part of the profession. In addition, an unconscious
bias training is recommended for top level management. A diversity
and inclusion network monitors the nomination of ambassadors.
47. The ministry of Defence provides gender training to staff
members, works on integrating gender into the organisation and on
raising awareness on diversity inclusion within staff. The number
of women participating in operations has been growing slowly over
the past years. Overall, the ministry has 10% of women staff members
and all positions are open for women. Recently, a decision was taken
to promote mixed crews on submarines.
48. A concrete example of the Dutch commitment is the Shedecides
initiative,
Note created as a response to President
Trump's reinstatement of the Global Gag Rule in 2017. Liliane Ploumen,
who was then Dutch Minister for Foreign Trade and International
Development, decided to launch Shedecides, together with government
representatives from Belgium, Denmark and Sweden, to defend reproductive
health and rights worldwide.
49. According to Ms Laila Ait Baali, who represents the Wo=Men
initiative based in the Netherlands, “in order to pursue a feminist
foreign policy, States should implement UN Security Council Resolution
1325 and promote sustainable economic growth”. She also stressed
that the participation of women in peace-keeping operations should
be increased and warned that governments should not allow other
interests to override women’s rights. One could regret that women’s
rights and gender were often kept separately in foreign policy and
not treated as a cross-cutting issue.
50. The Netherlands has an active civil society that advocates
for more gender equality nationally and internationally. Even though
they often receive funding from the Dutch Government, civil society
organisations are financially sustainable and independent and are
able to maintain an autonomous position. During my visit I had some
very informative and inspirational meetings with civil society representatives.
While they recognise significant progress made, they also believe
there is scope for a more ambitious feminist agenda both at home and
in the foreign policy. Overall, NGOs evaluated positively their
co-operation with the MFA on gender issues.
51. Engaging men in promoting women’s rights is essential to achieving
tangible change. The “Orange the World” Campaign originated in the
Netherlands and is a good practice. In addition, care activities
should be re‑evaluated. As an example, if a higher value were placed
on childcare, then perhaps more men would be prepared to do it.
5 Women’s
participation in peace operations
52. Promoting the participation
of women in peace operations is an important part of foreign policies
which make gender equality a priority. Women’s participation in
peace processes has been recognised as having a positive impact
in respect to outreach, ensuring diversity and inclusiveness, seeking
and adopting less confrontational approaches and contributing to
the sustainability of peace. However, it is important to bear in mind
that women’s role in peace processes should not be based on the
traditional expected roles frequently constructed around pre-conceived
ideas, expectations and stereotypes. Women should claim their place
in peace operations and negotiations not only because they are mothers
and/or sisters, nurtures of peace, the ones that are best placed
to discuss women’s issues etc. but because they represent half of
the population. Women often have better access and understanding
of the impact of conflicts at community level. They should be able
to include these insights into policies and solutions that are often
designed at a higher level far away from daily reality. On 11 April
2019, during a UN Security Council meeting dedicated to the participation
of women in peace operations, the former German Federal Minister
of Defence, Ms Ursula von der Leyen (now heading the European Commission),
stated that “[w]omen always broaden the missions’ skillsets. They
are no better peacekeepers than men, but they are different. And
this diversity is a strength”.
Note
53. At the same meeting, United Nations Secretary-General António
Guterres stressed that “women’s rights, voices and participation
must be at the centre of peacekeeping decision-making”. Nineteen
years after the unanimous adoption by the UN Security Council of
its Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security, the UN Secretary
General reiterated that the participation of women in peacebuilding
and peace-keeping operations must become a priority. He launched
the “Action for Peacekeeping” initiative, through which member States
Note which
endorse the initiative commit to “implement the Women, Peace and
Security agenda and its priorities by ensuring full, equal and meaningful
participation of women in all stages of the peace process and by
systematically integrating a gender perspective into all stages
of analysis, planning, implementation and reporting”.
Note They also commit to “increasing
the number of civilian and uniformed women in peacekeeping at all
levels and in key positions”. The UN Secretary General presented
himself from the beginning of his mandate as a proud feminist and
took measures to reach full parity in senior management within the
UN.
Note
54. This call for action is essential since there has been little
progress in past years with regard to the participation of women
in peace operations. Men still represent 95% of the uniformed personnel
in peace keeping operations. With the support of Canada, Finland,
the Netherlands and the United Kingdom, UN Women together with the
office of the UN Secretary-General, the UN Development Programme’s
Multi-Partner Trust Fund Office and the UN Department of Peace Operations,
launched the “Elsie Initiative Fund for uniformed women in Peace
operations (Elsie Initiative) to increase meaningful participation
of uniformed women in UN peacekeeping operations” in March 2019.
Note
55. The Council of Europe has actively promoted the participation
of women in peace operations. Already in 2010, the Committee of
Ministers adopted a Recommendation on the role of women and men
in conflict prevention and resolution and in peace building
Note in which it recommended to member
States to acknowledge that “strengthening the role of women in society
and making full use of their knowledge and expertise promote peace
and are a prerequisite for conflict prevention and resolution and
peace building”. The Committee of Ministers also recommended to
“integrate a gender perspective into conflict prevention and resolution
and peace building activities” and to “ensure a balanced participation
of women and men at all levels of decision making in local, regional,
national and international institutions, and mechanisms for conflict
prevention and resolution, including peace negotiations and the
democratisation of societies after conflicts”. In its
resolution 2120 (2016) “Women in the armed forces: promoting equality, putting
an end to gender-based violence”, the Assembly called on member
States to “work actively to promote the assignment of women to overseas deployments,
including in operational roles; include gender advisors in each
overseas deployment by an armed force, at all stages of preparation
and deployment”.
Note
56. Furthermore, back in 2004, the Assembly adopted a resolution
on “Conflict prevention and resolution: the role of women”
Note which presented concrete measures
which may inspire positive action even 15 years later. The Assembly
regretted that “Europe had so far failed to ensure women’s full
participation on an equal footing with men in conflict prevention,
peace operations and post-conflict peace-building”. It may be interesting to
carry out an analysis of the role of women in conflict prevention
in Europe since the adoption of this resolution 15 years ago.
6 Challenges
57. In her research paper prepared
for the work of our committee on the gender dimension of foreign
policy, Ms Cassidy quoted Ms Mary Robinson, former President of
Ireland, who stated that: “Diplomacy serves as the heartbeat of
international relations, yet the social inequalities with which
women struggle in day to day life are mirrored in the instruments
of international negotiations. Careful analysis of the current state
of diplomacy is required to disentangle the ubiquitous gender dimension
present in diplomatic roles in order to advance the participation
of women in governance and policy making”. The gender dimension
of foreign policy is indeed a question of power. Giving priority
to the promotion of equality and inclusion and ensuring a diverse
participation in decision-making depend on political will and courage.
58. There are undeniably challenges to the inclusion of a gender
dimension in foreign policy and ensuring that the participation
of women is not limited to ticking a box. It is not about excluding
men or playing a blame game against men. It is about creating space
for equity and equality and sharing responsibilities, influence
and decision-making power. In its report on the “Balanced participation
of women and men in decision-making” published in 2016, the Gender
Equality Commission of the Council of Europe stressed that the number
of countries having reached the 40% minimum target of women in the
diplomatic service was still very low and that “the average percentage
of women ambassadors was as low as 13%. These data clearly demonstrate
the existence of a glass ceiling in the diplomatic sector”.
Note While
the number of women diplomats has increased over past years, they
still remain at the lower echelons and rarely make it to the top
ranks of the diplomatic service. Compared to men, women are rarely
appointed to war torn or conflict areas and this may constitute
an obstacle if serving in such posts is considered essential to
progressing in diplomatic careers.
59. During her exchange with the committee, Ms Cassidy pointed
out that “characteristics associated with masculinity (strength,
objectivity, power and autonomy, independence, rationality) were
the ones that were primarily exalted and promoted in the diplomatic
sphere”. She also stressed that masculine norms and values had sculpted
and shaped diplomacy, which affected decisions as to who was appointed,
for example, as an ambassador. One can consider that the conception
of diplomacy, as the one of politics in general, has been androcentric.
Note
60. Our work and efforts to ensure a gender dimension of foreign
policy must be undertaken in parallel with, and paying due attention
to, the inclusive and intersectional dimension of foreign policy.
The diplomatic world should not and must not be accessible only
to the “boys’ clubs” or only to white women from middle to high income
families and with access to political and diplomatic networks. Promoting
the participation of persons from multiple backgrounds, in all the
sectors of foreign policy, including in the diplomatic service,
should be at the core of the gender dimension of foreign policy.
As Samira Rafaela, member of the European Parliament, stressed during
the Webinar on the gender dimension of foreign policy in response
to Covid-19: “Women are different. There is not one group of women.
Women are facing different challenges because of who they are and
where they come from. Intersectionality in our policies, proposals
and legislation is extremely important, so that we leave no one
behind”.
61. There is also some scepticism with regard to the intentions
behind the promotion of women’s rights and gender equality in foreign
policy. Ms Lyric Thompson for example, mentions that “[s]ome question
whether feminist foreign policies are just the latest postcolonial
export of northern countries, well-intentioned perhaps but ultimately
equally uninformed by the perspectives of those on the receiving
end and removed even from the realities of their own domestic policies.”
Note
62. The possible instrumentalisation of gender by some political
parties is another challenge. Ms Marie Cécile Naves warned against
efforts, at both national and international levels, to stigmatise
one religion or another under the pretext of defending women’s rights.
63. There may be differences between preaching and practicing
the promotion of gender equality for any given country. A country
whose track record on gender equality has been successful and delivered
positive results is more credible in its efforts to promote women’s
rights and equality at international level.
7 Making
gender and inclusion priorities in response to international crises
64. The Covid-19 pandemic has introduced
another dimension to this report which is the importance of the inclusion
of a gender dimension into the present international crisis response.
Since the outbreak of the pandemic, articles are published daily
on the disproportionately negative impact of Covid-19 on women,
not simply as the majority of care givers and health workers but
also with regard to health and economic well-being, safety and security.
Violence against women and domestic violence have reportedly increased
in several countries during, and as a result of, the application
of justified lockdown and confinement measures. So have restrictions
with regard to access to sexual and reproductive health and rights
in some countries. There is also often a decrease in health service
utilisation and an increased economical vulnerability.
Note
65. Ms Anita Bhatia, Assistant-Secretary-General and Deputy Executive
Director of UN Women, regrets the lack of progress on women’s empowerment
in past years and the impact of Covid-19 on women.
Note She
fears the
acquis might be
at risk. She has called domestic violence “a shadow pandemic, in
the current pandemic”, and made an appeal to prioritise actions
to support victims and end violence. In the report on “Covid-19
and human rights: we are all in this together” (23 April 2020),
the UN recommends to “mitigate the impact of the crisis on women
and girls, including on their access to sexual and reproductive
health/rights, and protection from domestic and other forms of gender-based
violence and ensure their full and equal representation in all decision-making
on short-term mitigation and long-term recovery”.
Note
66. Ms Béatrice Fresko-Rolfo (Monaco, ALDE), general rapporteur
of the Assembly on violence against women, called on national authorities
to take adequate measures to prevent violence, protect victims and prosecute
perpetrators, in view of the alarming trend observed in the past
few weeks, with a spike in cases of violence against women and their
difficulties in accessing services and remedies.
Note Concern with regard
to violence against women increasing during confinement has also
been expressed by GREVIO, UN Women, EIGE and many NGOs.
67. Bringing women’s voices and different fields of expertise
into decision-making will lead to better policy outcomes. However,
I note with concern the persistence of prevalence of almost all
male expert panels and government task forces responsible for containing
the pandemic and putting in place the recovery response, and this
despite the over-representation of women in the healthcare sector
and the impact of the crisis in their lives. Which brings us back
to the very basic and legitimate questions: “Where are the women?
Where is the pluriformity of expertise and representation?”
68. On 6 May 2020, under the leadership of Sweden, a joint press
statement was issued on behalf of the people and governments of
59 countries in Europe and beyond on “Protecting Sexual and Reproductive
Health and Rights and Promoting Gender-responsiveness in the Covid-19
crisis”. The statement drew attention to the gender dimension of
the pandemic. It pointed out that: “Covid-19 affects women and men
differently. The pandemic makes existing inequalities for women
and girls, as well as discrimination of other marginalized groups
such as persons with disabilities and those in extreme poverty worse
and risk impeding the realization of human rights for women and
girls. Participation, protection and potential of all women and
girls must be at the centre of response efforts. These efforts must
be gender-responsive and consider different impacts surrounding
detection, diagnosis and access to treatment for all women and men”.
Note The
statement also stressed the importance of the participation of women
in decision-making: “We support the active participation and leadership
of women and girls at all levels of decision-making, including at
community level, through their networks and organizations, to ensure
efforts and response are gender-responsive and will not further discriminate
and exclude those most at risk”.
8 Good
practices and recommendations
69. The gender dimension of foreign
policy relates intrinsically to the role and representation of women
in decision-making. Furthermore, speaking out for women’s rights,
denouncing the backlash on progress made, initiating and/or supporting
actions at international level are diplomatic means which prove
useful in our efforts to uphold and protect women’s rights. The
open provision of support for programmes protecting sexual and reproductive
health and rights, for example, is a strong statement in itself
and an indicator of political leadership and commitment to women’s
rights.
Note The promotion
of the ratification and implementation of the Istanbul Convention
should be an integral part of inclusive foreign policies. Integrating
a gender dimension in foreign policy provides the framework for
a coherent approach to guaranteeing women’s rights. As Delphine
O, Secretary General of the Generation Equality Forum, stressed
at the webinar on 11 June: “Gender should be enshrined in the functioning
of the system”.
70. A variety of methods can be used to ensure a gender dimension
in foreign policy. The targeted allocation of resources, gender
budgeting,
Note ensuring
diversity in panels, providing trainings on gender equality, diversity and
inclusion, institutionalising gender mainstreaming, ensuring the
equal participation of women and men in diplomatic service and trade
missions and promoting networking and mentoring between women leaders
and politicians (including young women in politics and leadership)
combined with policy and legal measures to support a work/life balance
and to promote balanced participation in political and public decision
making (including in the diplomatic service), are some of the measures
which bring results. Gender impact assessment can be a useful tool
to evaluate progress.
71. In addition, applying a gender dimension in all levels of
foreign policy (including international co-operation, foreign trade
and defence) contributes undoubtedly to more gender equality and
equity. The 2030 Agenda could be used as the overall framework to
create an intersectional foreign policy.
72. A gender dimension of foreign policy needs to be understood
and supported by the persons who have to implement it. The success
of the Swedish feminist foreign policy lies in the fact that leadership
has been combined with collective commitment from the government,
a corporate commitment from the whole ministry of Foreign Affairs
and other government agencies to its implementation and a welcoming
attitude from civil society, which understood that such a policy
could be helpful in amplifying calls for gender equality and the protection
of women’s rights. It paved the way for dialogue and created a political
platform to promote gender equality and women’s rights. Practical
tools such as the handbook on the policy and targeted training provided the
staff members of the ministry of Foreign Affairs with the necessary
tools to promote and implement the policy. Structures, such as a
specific taskforce in charge of gender equality, monitoring and
adequate funding, are crucial for the successful inclusion of a
gender dimension in foreign policy. The effectiveness of a gendered and
inclusive foreign policy also depends on the receptiveness of partner
countries. International allies are indeed crucial for such policy
to work.
73. There is not one single feminism. Feminism is multifaceted
and needs to be intersectional to be really inclusive. When discussing
women’s participation, for example in peace negotiations, the profile
of the women participating is also relevant. Inclusion does not
simply mean ticking a box but ensuring relevant representation.
74. Research as well as the collection and analysis of gender
disaggregated data is also very important to inform policies and
measures to ensure a gender dimension of foreign policy, as is co-operation
with civil society organisations working in this field, at both
national and international levels.
75. In my view, the gender dimension of foreign policy is not
limited to programmes targeting women and girls. I have therefore
tried to initiate discussions about the specific policies targeting
boys and men. Working on this topic led me to exchange on norms
of masculinity, a topic I would recommend the Committee on Equality
and Non-Discrimination to explore further. The gender dimension
of climate change is another topic which in my view would deserve
further attention by the committee.
9 Conclusions
76. There should be a gender dimension
of foreign policy not simply because it makes sense to use diplomatic
skills to promote equality but also because the promotion and protection
of women’s rights, equality and non-discrimination are key elements
of sustainable development. Speaking out in international fora can encourage
positive change at both national and international levels. Supporting
civil society organisations, which are drivers of change, is also
essential.
77. An inclusive foreign policy is not immune to risks, including
instrumentalisation and double standards, but in my view the current
global backlash against women’s rights has brought a new dimension
of urgency to promoting a gendered dimension and a feminist approach
to foreign policy.
Note
78. Furthermore, the Covid-19 pandemic demands an inclusive and
co-ordinated international response and highlights the need to reaffirm
the importance of women’s rights as human rights. Times of crisis
often lead to questioning the acquis with regard to women’s rights
and we need to be both vigilant and active in our response. As an
example, challenges in accessing contraception are exacerbated in
this time of crisis. I look forward to our committee’s participation
and contribution to the Generation Equality Forum next year with
a view to discuss, reflect and find ways forward to integrate and
strengthen the gender dimensions of policies at global level.
79. The gender dimension of the health and economic crises, at
both international and national levels and the disproportionate
impact they have on women, as well as the importance of including
a gender dimension in all recovery measures, should be discussed
and debated in our national parliaments and brought to the attention
of relevant ministries. The inclusion of a gender dimension in all
policies at all levels, is a condition sine
qua non for their efficiency and sustainability. A gender
dimension to foreign policy, therefore, can no longer be seen as
optional or a welcomed addition but should be considered as essential.
