B Explanatory memorandum
by Ms Yevheniia Kravchuk, rapporteurNote
1 Gender
stereotyping: extent, nature and effects
1. Gender stereotypes and traditional
gender roles are deeply entrenched in society, and they are reflected in
the media. Stereotyping has a negative impact on society. It perpetuates
harmful social norms, normalises inequality and fuels gender-based
discrimination. As a result, gender disparities are exacerbated,
further hindering progress toward equality.
2. Media in all their forms contribute significantly to shaping
people’s mindsets and culture. While they are a vital component
of democracy, they may become a fertile ground for stereotyping
and spreading bias against various groups. Gender stereotypes in
the media depict men as dominant, strong and in leadership positions, while
portraying women as passive, emotional, and responsible for domestic
care. As well as influencing society’s perceptions, they affect
the equal participation of men and women in both political and public
life, consequently limiting women's ability to fully engage in decision
making and take on leadership roles.
3. Despite the progress made in recent decades, a global backlash
against women's rights and gender equality can be observed, which
is a reason for great concern and calls for robust countermeasures.
A backsliding in gender equality is reflected in the media, including
online platforms and social media.
4. In addition to the broadly negative impact on people’s perception
and mindsets already mentioned, gender stereotyping in communication
may escalate to sexism, for instance in the form of sexist hate
speech, targeting specific individuals or entire groups. The risk
of producing and propagating sexism is one more reason to prevent
and counter stereotyping as a matter of priority.
5. Women are considerably under-represented in the media, which
tends to limit the diversity of the roles they play. This applies
to entertainment and information alike. Women are also under-represented
among the staff of cultural industries. The disproportion is particularly
evident at higher levels: in the cinema industry, for instance,
comparatively few film directors and producers are female.
6. Gender stereotypes in the media are both a cause and a manifestation
of gender inequality. Promoting accurate, positive representation
of both men and women would contribute to shaping a more equal and inclusive
society.
7. The Parliamentary Assembly has already taken a clear stance
on this matter in the past, particularly with
Resolution 1751 (2010) and
Recommendation
1931 (2010) “Combating sexist stereotypes in the media”, stating
that gender stereotypes are a barrier to gender equality, and that
they are too frequently trivialised and tolerated under the banner
of freedom of expression. Since then, stereotypes have not been
eradicated, the media landscape has evolved, social media have increased
their influence, and the negative impact of gender stereotyping
has become potentially even stronger.
8. Recalling Recommendation CM/Rec(2011)7 of the Committee of
Ministers to member States on a new notion of media and Recommendation
CM/Rec(2022)11 on principles for media and communication governance,
the definition of “media” used in this report encompasses all actors
involved in the dissemination and production of print, broadcast,
online, audio and video-streaming services and content. This includes cinema,
a medium that has historically proven extremely influential in shaping
people’s worldview. In addition to traditional media, this report
covers social networks, in view of their strong impact, especially
on young people. Studies show that young people and adolescents
spend hours daily on social media and a strong link is detected
between the use of social media and the perception of gender roles.
9. Gender stereotypes are pervasive in social networks, which
are used by a large share of the population and therefore have a
considerable impact. The fact-finding visit to Ireland provided
interesting information in the way the main platforms regulate their
content.
10. Self-regulation by media and journalists’ organisations have
a role to play in countering the spreading of gender stereotypes,
through regulatory tools such as code of ethics and professional
standards. These may be instrumental in creating a media environment
that advances gender equality, diversity and inclusiveness, which,
in turn, would contribute to women’s empowerment.
11. Transgender people are the subject of multiple negative stereotypes,
presenting them as mentally ill or as a threat to the freedom and
safety of others. They are significantly under-represented in positive
roles in popular media. Moreover, in the last few years there has
been a significant uptick in this harmful representation in the
media, including in television and radio shows, in online media,
and also in public events. ILGA-Europe’s Annual Review 2024 provides
worrying information in this respect. Trans women, in particular,
are being portrayed, without any basis, as threats to the safety
of other women and children, and as predators. This has real consequences
for the safety of transgender people, who are already one of the
groups most vulnerable to physical and online attacks.
12. I consider gender norms and stereotypes as a product and a
manifestation of patriarchy. They are an expression of traditional
patriarchal views on people and society, and they are instrumental
in perpetuating the inequalities stemming from them. In addition
to measures adopted to counter the “symptom”, it is therefore necessary
to address the root cause of the problem, namely the patriarchal
system.
2 Preparation of the report
13. To prepare this report I carried
out research on the various forms of stereotyping that can be found
in all kinds of media and on its impact, and the measures adopted
by media organisations and public authorities to prevent and counter
it.
14. The Council of Europe’s Gender EquaIity Commission (GEC),
the Steering Committee on Media and Information Society (CDMSI)
and the Steering Committee for Education (CDEDU) prepared relevant documents
such as the Recommendation CM/Rec(2013)1 of the Committee of Ministers
to member States on gender equality and media.
15. In May 2025, I carried out a fact-finding visit to Ireland,
which proved relevant and interesting not only on account of the
presence in Dublin of the European headquarters or major offices
of social media companies such as Meta and TikTok, but also thanks
to the important role played by regulators and civil society organisations
active in the areas of gender equality and violence against women.
I devote an important part of this report to the findings of this
visit, as a sort of case study that allows me to discuss, among
other things, gender stereotyping in online media.
16. On 2 October 2025, a hearing was held jointly by the Committee
on Equality and Non-Discrimination and the Committee on Culture,
Science, Education and Media, with the participation of Mr Gilles
Fontaine and Ms Agnes Schneeberger of the European Audiovisual Observatory
of the Council of Europe, and Ms Anne Richardson of the European
Broadcasting Union (EBU). Their presentations and the exchange of
views shed light on gender stereotyping in the cultural industry,
some of its root causes and possible initiatives to counter it.
17. In the final phase of the preparation of this report I have
had the opportunity to co-operate with the Council of Europe’s Youth
Sector and make use of the valuable resources it provided. I took
on board many of its suggestions. Among other things, the Youth
Sector’s extensive experience on hate speech, gained by managing
the No Hate Speech Movement campaign, has helped me to focus on
sexist hate speech, which may have particularly damaging effects
on girls and young women. This co-operation has also strengthened the
youth perspective in the report and draft resolution as a whole,
with an increased attention on the impact that media, including
social media, have on young people.
3 International standards
18. As far back as 1979, Article
5 (a) of the United Nations’ Convention on the Elimination of All
Forms of Discrimination against Women called on States parties “to
modify the social and cultural patterns of conduct of men and women,
with a view to achieving the elimination of prejudices and customary
and all other practices which are based on the idea of the inferiority
or the superiority of either of the sexes or on stereotyped roles
for men and women.” In other words, the convention requires all
branches of government to adopt appropriate measures to eliminate
patterns, prejudices, and practices based on gender stereotypes.
19. Early in 2026, the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination
against Women (CEDAW), which monitors the implementation of the
convention, adopted its General Recommendation No. 41 on Dismantling Gender
Stereotypes and the Unequal Power Relations that Sustain them. This
General Recommendation reiterates the importance of eradicating
gender stereotypes and provides an updated interpretation of the convention
in this respect. Among other things, it stipulates that “States
parties should address gender stereotypes with a holistic and intersectional
approach, taking into consideration women’s multifaceted identities
and their diversity”.
20. General Recommendation No. 41 calls on states parties to conduct
research to assess the prevalence of gender stereotypes and, most
importantly, to identify the ways in which they manifest themselves,
which “can be in constitutions, laws, policies, institutions, systems,
services, and practices.” It also indicates that “States should
promote engagement with men and boys in dismantling gender stereotypes.
Men and boys are negatively impacted by gender stereotypes and have
a critical role in addressing and preventing stereotypes.” This
is an important indication, a step in the right direction, and entirely
in line with the position taken in several texts by the Parliamentary
Assembly.
4 Ireland: social media, civil society
activism and the role of public authorities
21. On 19 and 20 May 2025, I conducted
a fact-finding visit to Ireland. Dublin has established itself as
a major hub for tech companies in Europe and a good place to observe
current trends in online media. Another reason to choose Ireland
for a visit were the recent developments in women's rights and gender
issues at large, strongly influenced by the activism of civil society.
Two key referendums, respectively on marriage equality and abortion,
have demonstrated that civil society can play an important role
in fostering social change. Groups and individual activists in Ireland
have engaged in work that goes beyond political advocacy, by including
a reflection on cultural norms, gender stereotypes, and effective
communication strategies for promoting gender equality.
22. Dublin's rise as a major tech hub began in the early 2000s.
In 2004, Google established its European headquarters in Dublin’s
Grand Canal Dock area, which triggered further investments from
other major tech companies. Nowadays, Dublin hosts the European
headquarters or significant offices of many leading companies such
as Meta (Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp), TikTok, Amazon, Microsoft
and X (formerly Twitter). In addition to these tech giants, Dublin
supports a thriving startup scene and numerous other global and
regional tech companies.
23. Social media play a powerful and complex role in influencing
how people perceive gender roles and identities. On the one hand,
social media platforms allow individuals to express themselves freely
and to challenge traditional norms. On the other hand, they often
reinforce traditional gender stereotypes, for example through a
widespread use of gender-normed body images, portrayal of conventional
gender roles, and targeted advertising algorithms that amplify stereotypical
representations.
24. Visual content, including edited photos and videos, frequently
promotes idealised images of masculinity and femininity, impacting
the viewers’ self-esteem and attitudes. In addition, social media
may expose users, particularly women and girls, to sexist hate speech
and misogynistic content.
25. Research shows that greater social media use correlates with
more conventional views on gender roles. However, the relationship
with these media is complex: some users also exercise agency, for
instance using platforms to experiment with non-stereotypical identities.
On the other hand, social media environments tend to create echo
chambers that intensify existing beliefs. In other words, stereotypes
can be challenged or entrenched, depending on the user and the context.
26. In 2024, a study conducted by Dublin City University’s Anti-Bullying
Centre found that algorithms used by social media platforms rapidly
amplified misogynistic and male supremacist content. The study,
focusing on YouTube and TikTok, was conducted by creating new accounts
on blank smartphones. All the male-identified accounts received
masculinist, anti-feminist and male-supremacist content within the
first 23 minutes.
27. The visit to Ireland provided interesting insights into gender
representation in Irish media. It was also an opportunity to discuss
how the cultural and historical context of Ireland, including the
influence of the country’s Catholic heritage and traditional family
values, contributed to shaping gender images. It further allowed
me to learn more about how gender representation intersects age,
class, ethnicity, disability, sexual orientation and migration background.
4.1 Social media platforms: challenges
and potential benefits
28. According to Susan Moss, TikTok
Ireland’s Head of Public Policy and Government Relations, this company’s
community guidelines “reflect our values and establish the kind
of behaviour we expect on our platform. TikTok proactively seeks
out and removes content which violates these guidelines. We enforce
these rules using a combination of technology and safety experts
around the world. In order to support fair and consistent review
of potentially violative content, moderators work alongside our
automated moderation systems and take into account additional context
and nuance which may not always be picked up by technology”. She
added that TikTok published a quarterly transparency report, in
addition to abiding by the reporting obligations under the EU Digital
Services Act and the EU code of practice on disinformation.
29. I visited TikTok’s office and met with Ms Moss and with Mr Adam
Stairs, Outreach and Partnerships Manager. It was an opportunity
to discuss several critical issues relating to gender stereotypes,
harmful content, and content moderation on social media platforms.
I believe that gender stereotypes exist in a “grey zone”: they are
part of everyday life, and they are often subtle, but they are also
connected to more extreme forms of expression, like hate speech,
especially when targeting politicians. As a woman politician, I
am particularly concerned about how search engine results often
seem to prioritise harmful content such as sexual deepfakes, which
can have a chilling effect on women in public life.
30. TikTok representatives showed me the technology used to screen
contents and detect those that violate the guidelines. Artificial
intelligence tools are used to automatically identify signs of violence
in the content, for instance the presence of weapons on the screen.
31. Ms Moss acknowledged that potentially harmful content was
an industry-wide challenge. For example, TikTok tried to block access
to the hashtag “skinnytok”, showing content which “idolises extreme
thinness” due to concerns about body image or harmful stereotypes.
The block was rapidly circumvented and the content resurfaced within
hours. She emphasised the importance of having globally consistent
policies, rather than fragmented regional rules. TikTok co-operates
globally with several partners, such as the German organisation Violence
Prevention Network, to improve safety. A real challenge, Ms Moss
explained, is posed by the “pipeline content”, or material that
does not meet removal thresholds but can lead users towards harmful
content.
32. To counter harmful or stereotypical content, TikTok adopts
a tiered approach. Some material is entirely prevented from appearing
on users’ feeds. In other cases, users are redirected from potentially
harmful content to safer results. Sometimes, they were shown unrelated
content to disrupt harmful consumption patterns. The timing of these
interventions varies: removal of harmful content can be immediate,
but sometimes it takes up to 24 hours, especially when fact-checking
is required.
33. I enquired about hate speech targeting politicians, which
is often gendered. Women in politics face a staggering amount of
online bullying and harassment. Ms Moss explained that TikTok actively
monitors elections and verifies politicians’ accounts, applying
specific restrictions while allowing a higher threshold of criticism.
34. As regards deepfakes, according to my interlocutor, they are
rare on TikTok, but the issue remains significant on other platforms.
I mentioned that fabricated videos related to the war of aggression
against Ukraine were being circulated by the Russian Federation.
Ms Moss explained that TikTok works with fact-checkers who have
journalistic expertise to verify questionable content. In order
to prevent the use of this platform for propaganda purposes, Tik
Tok limits the circulation of content posted on a State’s account
outside the specific country in question. In addition, TikTok has
exited the Russian market.
35. We touched on the Digital Services Act (DSA), the EU regulation
that aims to reduce the distribution of illegal content and improve
transparency between online platforms and their users. TikTok regards
the DSA as a positive step but believes that regulators should allow
time for it to take effect, before creating new legislation. Ms Moss
expressed concern about the complexity of legal frameworks across
Europe, which makes innovation in our continent much more difficult
than in the United States. One entire floor out of the six of TikTok’s
Dublin headquarters is for legal officers.
36. At Meta’s impressively large Dublin office, I met with Richard
Lappin, a member of the team responsible for deciding what content
is allowed on Meta platforms (Facebook, Instagram and Threads).
Meta’s policies are implemented through their platforms’ community
standards. The same rules apply globally (they are available in
over 90 languages) and constantly evolve. Mr Lappin explained that
Meta policies are “a living document”, they are never considered
to be complete and are updated daily. Updates are visible (like
“track changes” in a document).
37. Gender-related issues are especially challenging, Mr Lappin
explained. Generally speaking, Meta’s policies apply across genders.
For instance, the harassment policy applies equally to men and women, although
women are more frequent targets. There are, however, some specific
policies on gender-related content. For instance, gaps were identified
in the policies against violence and incitement thereto, which did not
cover intimate partner violence and so-called honour killings. This
led to adopting new specific policies to cover incitement to violence.
Misogynistic behaviour is also addressed specifically in the policies.
38. Policies on hate content prohibit attacks based on religion,
ethnicity, and dehumanising speech (for instance comparing people
to animals). Calls for exclusion, for instance “women should not
vote”, are also banned. Terrorist and hate groups are banned by
Meta. Some individuals are banned, for instance Andrew Tate, but
the ban is not publicly listed, so as to prevent circumvention.
39. Some policy changes introduced in January 2025 concern gender
issues: some forms of gender-based exclusion are now permitted (for
instance about military recruitment), and gender-based exclusion
is allowed regarding some spaces (for instance bathrooms). I believe
that changes in policies in this area should be approached with
caution. Gender-based exclusion was banned for a reason, as it may
undermine gender equality, and that reason is still valid. Lifting
the ban on gender-based exclusion regarding bathrooms looks like a
favour to anti-trans rhetoric that is increasingly popular in conservative
circles but does not need our support.
40. Deepfakes, Mr Lappin agreed, affect women politicians and
female public figures disproportionately. He explained that the
same policies apply equally to content created by humans or artificial
intelligence, and that most AI misuse involves scams and frauds,
for instance targeting military veterans in the United States. Despite this,
I believe that the use of artificial intelligence for sexist purposes
remains a reason for serious concern. Meta considered labelling
AI-generated content, but slowed down on this front, due to the
complexity of labelling a vast amount of content. Users can click
the “three dots” for more information about content.
41. As regards moderation, the same principle as for TikTok is
applied by Meta: machine learning handles many tasks, but content
requiring contextual judgment, such as political hate speech, relies
more on human moderators. A shift towards community moderation,
similar to Wikipedia, with a verification process replacing third-party
fact-checkers, is under consideration. On a similar note, Meta is
dialling back proactive removals and relying more on user reports.
42. While I found that, generally speaking, Meta policies are
sensible and well thought-out, there seem to be shortcomings regarding
their enforcement. The timeline for content removal, for instance,
is not clear. The information I got during the meeting was that
there is no time limit, due to volume and virality. In spite of
the “integrity reports” regularly published by Meta, it is difficult
to know exactly what happens with community standards behind the
company’s closed doors. Empirical observation suggests, for instance,
that reports of blatant stigmatising and dehumanising language often
don’t lead to content removal.
43. Following the visit to Dublin, I held an online meeting with
Claire Dilé, a representative of X, formerly known as Twitter. Based
in Paris, Ms Dilé works within the Public Policy team, focusing
on safety and rights. While X does not compare to platforms like
Meta in terms of scale, and it offers a single product, its visibility and
resonance, particularly in public and political discourse, are remarkable.
44. As concerns gender stereotypes, Ms Dilé highlighted that freedom
of expression remains a central commitment for X, which requires
that users feel safe to participate in the conversation. X aims
to create a space where all users can express themselves provided
the content is legal and adheres to the platform’s rules. To support
this, X offers various safety tools, and efforts are made to improve
users' access to these features.
45. Striking the right balance between free speech and content
moderation is a challenge. X has a set of public rules, currently
available in over 50 languages, outlining what is permitted and
what is not on the platform. Notably, the rules prohibit abuse and
harassment, including attacks based on personal characteristics,
such as gender. Hate speech is explicitly banned, and violations,
such as targeting users with threats or degrading language, can
result in the immediate suspension of the account.
46. Ms Dilé confirmed that women are disproportionately affected
by harmful behaviours such as doxxing and image-based abuse (commonly
known as “revenge porn”). Pornographic content is banned from X’s timeline,
as it contravenes the law of many countries. Users are encouraged
to report such material.
47. X shares with all the other platforms the “detection versus
reporting” dilemma. In some cases, such as clear instances of criminal
activity, X can act proactively. However, in more nuanced scenarios,
the platform still relies on user reports. I did not obtain precise
information on the timeline for content removal, nor on whether
AI tools were able to detect the use of gender stereotypes. However,
Ms Dilé indicated that users are encouraged to report misinformation
and manipulation of facts, including when such content relates to
gender-based issues.
48. X continues to invest in automation, particularly in areas
like combating child exploitation. While many believe that moderation
on X has diminished, according to Ms Dilé in fact it remains alive.
It is worth noting that, just like TikTok and Meta, X issues a public
Transparency Report, which provides data on enforcement and updates
on policies. Moreover, the platform works to educate users about
its rules and enforcement mechanisms.
49. In the light of the discussions held with social media platforms
representatives, I can confirm that these actors are multifaceted.
They may potentially play a positive role in facilitating expression
and communication within society, but they may also amplify harmful
voices and attitudes. Moreover, they are markedly autonomous, relying
on self-regulation, and difficult to supervise. Their transnational
nature makes it difficult even to impose national legal standards
on tech giants. Nevertheless, co-operation efforts with these actors should
continue.
4.2 Civil society organisations and their
crucial role in advancing gender equality
50. The National Women’s Council
of Ireland (NWC), established in 1973, is a leading national representative
organisation for women and women’s groups across Ireland. It encompasses
over 190 member groups and has a large and growing community of
individual supporters.
51. Its role includes amplifying women’s voices and communicating
with politicians on a range of issues such as political representation,
barriers to participation (including hate speech targeting female
politicians), health, mental health, and sexual and reproductive
health and rights (SRHR).
52. NWC published Through the Looking Glass: A Guide to Empowering
Young People to Become Advocates for Gender Equality. This guide
highlights the significant impact of media and marketing – across mainstream
television, social media, newspapers, and magazines – on perceptions
of women. It points out that women are often portrayed primarily
in terms of their appearance, beauty, or “sexiness”, while other
important qualities and skills are frequently overlooked. This skewed
representation profoundly affects how boys, girls, women, and men
perceive themselves and one another.
53. I had the opportunity to meet with representatives of NWC
and discuss a variety of topics and media. As concerns the latter,
talk radio is still very popular in Ireland. NWC conducted a study
on the presence of women in talk radio, examining how much airtime
women receive, and the types of profiles featured (whether experts, commentators,
or something else). They also commissioned a study on the representation
of women in music. It is important to know that, while there is
anecdotal evidence of some improvements in women’s visibility on TV
and in advertising, overall conditions have worsened, suggesting
a backlash beneath the surface.
54. Political violence is also a reason for concern: in three
elections held in 2024 (local and European) there was a noticeable
increase in violence against female politicians. The Oireachtas
Task Force on Participation produced a report highlighting these
challenges in 2022.
55. Another report, Women Beyond the Doll, analysed which women
would consider running for office again; abuse, along with lack
of childcare and other practical barriers, was often mentioned as
a deterrent. The overall feeling of threat has increased compared
to 10–15 years ago, with women from diverse backgrounds facing particularly
harsh backlash. NWC’s role includes highlighting these barriers
to government and supporting female candidates. However, while authorities
recognise the problem, there is little concrete action. According to
NWC representatives, the government discourse refers to “women in
politics” but neglects the importance of diversity and intersectional
challenges.
56. The NWC explicitly includes social media platforms in the
definition of media. As regards representation of women, social
media’s emphasis on “perfect bodies” is linked to rising eating
disorders and mental health issues. The impact of pornography in
social media contexts also needs attention. It is unclear whether
tech giants are willing to listen to civil society about ways to
address these challenges. On the other hand, it is also unclear
what interventions are technically possible.
57. The political climate in Ireland around equality issues is
becoming more tense. The Council used to rely heavily on X as a
key platform for political discussion but has since distanced themselves
from it due to changes in climate and platform dynamics. The NWC
had to reinforce their office windows for fear of attack, reflecting
a worsening security environment.
58. The “Care and Family” referendum, aiming to amend the outdated
reference to “woman’s life within the home” in art.41.2 of the Irish
Constitution, did not pass. Many thought that communication on this
referendum had not been a success. In contrast, the abortion referendum
had seen broad public awareness and understanding of the constitutional
issues involved, aided by a clear campaign explaining the implications
of a “yes” vote.
59. Meeting with NWC representatives confirmed the important role
that civil society organisations play in advancing the equality
agenda in Ireland. Civil society organisations are crucial interlocutors
for legislators and policymakers, and this role should consistently
be acknowledged in Council of Europe member States.
60. The mission of Dublin Rape Crisis Centre (DRCC) is to prevent
the harm and heal the trauma of all forms of sexual violence. Active
for over 40 years, it works with and supports people who have been
directly affected by sexual violence, including online abuse. The
DRCC is committed to eliminating tolerance through education, awareness
raising, advocacy and policy analysis. The organisation published
a shadow Report on the implementation of the Istanbul Convention
in Ireland, submitted to GREVIO.
61. DRCC is a non-public organisation dedicated to preventing
sexual violence and supporting survivors in Ireland. Despite progress,
male supremacy and misogynistic attitudes remain persistent challenges
globally and locally.
62. I met with Rachel Morrogh, the Centre’s CEO. She indicated
that under-reporting sexual violence is a major issue in Ireland:
only a small percentage of cases are reported, largely due to fear,
shame, and victim-blaming. When it comes to breaking the silence,
“media is a friend and a foe”, said Ms Morrogh. In other words, the
media has played a complex role. On the one hand, it provides a
platform for survivors to share their stories and, on the other
hand, it may perpetuate stigma. The landmark moment of a survivor
publicly waiving anonymity 30 years ago helped initiate change.
63. The progress achieved in countering violence against women
in Ireland is considerable, but victim-blaming rhetoric, such as
focusing on what survivors were wearing, continues to hinder it.
This fight has faced setbacks in the past 15 years. Online content
and social media increasingly normalise sexual violence and spread
harmful narratives, including glorifying “strong men” in ways that
reinforce misogyny.
64. Ireland’s social and economic context is historically difficult.
In the past, Irish women were supposed to leave their job when they
got married. The recent, failed referendum on “the place of woman
in the home” aimed to abolish the last formal remains of that principle.
That is why making culture evolve is a priority, and comprehensive
sexuality education, Ms Morrogh said, is vital to this end. Years
ago, the tobacco ban was a success. This lesson on how to limit
smoking amongst the population could also be used to encourage and shape
measures to limit alcohol, which is part of the country’s culture
but is detrimental to public health and safety, also in terms of
increasing the risk of sexual and domestic violence. Public well-being
should be prioritised over economic interest.
65. We discussed the challenges of social media: platforms are
from outside the European Union, especially from the US, China,
and Russia, which delays regulation and makes it difficult to hold
them accountable. The European Union’s Digital Service Act offers
tools for enforcement, but courage and commitment to confront misogyny
and sexual violence online remain limited. We agreed that deepfakes
are a real challenge for women in public roles and deter political
participation. Violent pornography was also problematic, as confirmed
by the numerous women reporting violence, particularly strangulation,
which appeared to be inspired by pornographic contents.
4.3 National authorities: the Data Protection
Commission and media regulator Coimisiún na Meán
66. The Data Protection Commission
(DPC) is Ireland’s independent national authority responsible for safeguarding
the fundamental right of individuals within the European Union (EU)
to have their personal data protected. The DPC supervises the implementation
and enforcement of the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR)
in Ireland. Additionally, it oversees compliance with related regulatory
frameworks such as the Irish ePrivacy Regulations (2011) and the
EU Law Enforcement Directive (LED).
67. The statutory powers, duties, and functions of the DPC are
outlined in the Data Protection Act 2018, which strengthens the
GDPR and implements the LED within Irish law.
68. In Dublin I met with Cathal Ryan, appointed Deputy Commissioner
for Consultation and Supervision in January 2023, who is a qualified
lawyer with extensive expertise in regulatory and data protection
law. Having previously served as Assistant Commissioner at the DPC,
he has held senior roles across various public bodies. He represents
the DPC at both national and EU levels and has led the development
of guidelines for the EU Codes of Conduct. In his current role,
Mr. Ryan oversees critical sectors including technology multinationals,
international data transfers, private and financial sectors, insurance,
communications, transport, Binding Corporate Rules (BCRs), certification,
and codes of conduct.
69. The meeting with Mr Ryan provided valuable insights into the
evolving challenges and regulatory landscape of data protection
in Ireland and Europe, particularly in relation to emerging technologies
and digital platforms. The DPC has a supervisory role that focuses
on overseeing technology multinationals, international data transfers,
and sectors including insurance, communications, and transport.
His remit also covers Binding Corporate Rules, certification and
codes of conduct. The Data Protection Commission also has a role
in regulating large digital platforms such as TikTok, Meta, and
Google, who have designated the DPC as their lead supervisory authority
for Europe. This position enables the Commission to enforce ethical
policies and ensure these companies’ internal cultures align with
their regulatory obligations.
70. Data protection law tries to strike a balance between individual
privacy rights and exceptions where public interest justifies the
dissemination of information. While GDPR upholds data protection
as a fundamental right, it recognises exceptions for matters of
public interest. However, Mr Ryan noted that the Commission does not
have all the tools necessary to intervene comprehensively in all
situations.
71. The DPC actively works to enhance protection for children
online, aiming to add value beyond the Digital Services Act. The
Commission also co-ordinates with European counterparts to handle
complaints efficiently, enabling rapid content takedown (often within
hours) through established co-operation mechanisms.
72. Among other things, the discussion touched on the regulation
of political advertising and digital services platforms. Mr Ryan
referred to the Italian data regulator’s recent action against Meta
as an example of emerging regulatory enforcement. He stressed the
complexity of regulating content and advertising, especially as
algorithms show users content tailored to their interests, creating
echo chambers. Challenges are also posed by political campaigns
and election-related information dissemination on platforms.
73. Social media platforms apply self-regulation policies, but
at the same time they claim that their ability to control all content
is limited. Artificial intelligence may also create issues for data
protection and content regulation. Another challenge in this area
is the secrecy and competition among tech giants: companies like Google,
Meta, and others do not share often insights with each other due
to competitive concerns, which complicates regulatory efforts.
74. I was glad to learn that the Commission receives increasing
support: it has expanded in the last few years both in terms of
budget (from 4 to 30 million Euros) and staff (from 30 to 280).
The vast and complex remit of this body requires adequate resources.
75. Coimisiún na Meán is Ireland’s agency for developing and regulating
a “thriving, diverse, creative, safe and trusted media landscape”.
As the independent media regulator, they are responsible for regulating broadcasters,
video-on-demand providers, and online platforms established in Ireland.
I had a very interesting exchange with Sinéad Crowley, Director
of Media Development. She explained that the Commission regulates both
traditional and online media, which are not formally regulated under
the existing law, but are encouraged to sign co-operation protocols.
Media are evolving and the idea of “online journalism” is transforming
into “multimedia journalism”.
76. A “Future of Media” Commission was created in 2020 and prepared
50 recommendations, one of which is about tackling gender stereotypes.
Ms Crowley highlighted the importance of involving people from diverse backgrounds
and letting people speak for themselves. The Commission had carried
out a study on women in music, which confirmed a situation of under-representation.
77. A particularly interesting aspect of the activities of the
Commission is the funding and support for media diversity. Long-running
schemes, such as “Sound and Vision”, fund independent TV, films
and shows. New funding schemes were introduced to support women
in film and television, as well as festivals. Private companies
now also receive funding. Digital transformation schemes support
media literacy and innovation, including podcasts.
78. The Commission undertakes and supports research on media literacy.
It promotes media literacy programmes in schools, including seminars
for principals, and YouTube resources. The focus of this type of education
is to tackle disinformation and hate speech, which is particularly
relevant for women journalists and other women in the media who
face online abuse disproportionately often.
79. What Ms Crowley said about gender stereotypes in Irish media
was partially reassuring. The situation is changing, if slowly.
Gender roles in the media are gradually evolving but tend to persist.
While the Commission supported people from diverse backgrounds,
the media industry is not as attractive as it used to be in terms
of salaries. That is why they fund internships, to help young women
join this industry. In addition, abuse against journalists, especially
women, has increased.
80. I found the Coimisiún na Meán’s holistic and evolving approach
to regulating and supporting the Irish media landscape very positive.
Their commitment to diversity and inclusion in production, content,
and workplace culture and the support through funding and development
programmes aimed at marginalised groups and new talent are real
good practices that should inspire policies in other member States.
This also applies to the engagement in media literacy, particularly
in schools, which should prove effective in preventing and countering
online abuse, often targeting women. The emphasis on self-regulation
combined with legal frameworks to combat sexism and racism also
seems to be a realistic and effective approach.
81. The visit to Ireland provided a valuable opportunity to observe
current trends and developments in gender equality, how these are
represented in the media and how the media, in turn, influence public
mindsets and societal progress. The meetings highlighted the different
roles played by diverse actors – including state agencies, private
sector players, and technology companies such as social media platforms
– in advancing gender equality. I am convinced that effective co-operation
among these stakeholders is essential and should be actively supported
by legislators and policymakers to ensure real progress in this
area. While this conclusion was inspired by the Irish experience,
it applies to Council of Europe member States at large.
5 A continent-wide perspective: the
European Broadcasting Union and the European Audiovisual Observatory
82. The hearing of 2 October 2025
shed light on the role that European media actors can play in preventing and
countering gender stereotyping, but also on some of its root causes.
The Chairperson welcomed Mr Gilles Fontaine, Head of the Department
for Market Information, Ms Agnes Schneeberger, TV and VOD Markets Analyst,
Department for Market Information, European Audiovisual Observatory,
Council of Europe, and Ms Anne Richardson, Senior Project Manager
for Diversity, Equity & Inclusion, European Broadcasting Union (EBU)
(online).
83. Anne Richardson, Senior Project Manager for Diversity, Equity
and Inclusion of the EBU explained that Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion
(DEI) were considered core value and a strategic priority for Public
Service Media (PSM), or national broadcasting companies, across
its 55 member countries. This included dimensions such as gender
equality, racial and ethnic diversity, disability inclusion, age
diversity, and LGBTQI+ representation. Nearly all PSM organisations
recognised the importance of diversity and inclusion and many of
them had formal strategies and dedicated staff.
84. Significant progress had been made in gender balance within
public service media, with women increasingly represented in staff
positions and leadership roles, although gaps remained, especially
in Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics (STEM) and sports
departments. Public service media organisations endeavoured to produce
inclusive content, representing the diverse societies they serve
and mainstreaming inclusion across recruitment, career development,
and retention.
85. Data collection and monitoring drive ongoing improvements,
while targets and quotas are used to promote workforce and content
diversity. Specific initiatives by EBU members (the national broadcasters) include
mentoring programmes, media coaching for women experts, support
networks for women in STEM, and enhanced visibility of women's sports
through increased broadcasting coverage.
86. EBU prepared a series of recommendations in the form of a
roadmap that is adaptable to various contexts and aim to combat
discrimination while building inclusive cultures within PSM. Overall,
EBU's DEI strategy represents a comprehensive, data-driven, and
community-engaged approach to enhancing equality and promoting the
value of diversity in European public service media.
87. The representatives of the European Audiovisual Observatory,
a body created 30 years ago within the Council of Europe, highlighted
that gender stereotypes are not only present on screen but are also
the result of a gender imbalance within the crew producing the content.
The structure and diversity of the production team affected the
way gender was portrayed, highlighting that achieving gender equality
required addressing both the representation in the content and the
workforce behind it.
88. As a former journalist and documentary producer, I can only
agree that there is a link between on-screen representation and
off-screen industry dynamics. This also means that women’s under-representation
in the media and pervasive gender stereotyping are systemic issues,
which require structural interventions. Late meetings, for instance,
can be more difficult to attend for female staff members, who often
have a larger share of family care responsibilities. Of course,
this in turn highlights the need for a more gender-balanced sharing of
care tasks, and better work-life balance across the board.
89. Relevant observations and recommendations emerging from the
hearing included a reference to funding disparities between films
by women and men directors, showing that financial resources were
a critical factor (once again, a systemic issue) and differences
in the topics assigned to journalists and TV personalities, with women
dealing more often with social topics and men dominating the economic
and political coverage. Equality and inclusion strategies need to
be embedded in corporate structures.
6 A youth perspective
6.1 The Council of Europe Youth Sector's
work on gender stereotypes and media
90. The Youth Department, part
of the Directorate General of Democracy and Human Dignity of the
Council of Europe, has developed a body of educational resources
addressing gender stereotypes in the media and digital contexts
within its broader human rights education work, used widely by youth
workers, youth organisations and programmes and activities at the
European Youth Centres. These include a manual on gender-based violence
providing practical non-formal education methods for youth workers,
the Training Kit on Gender Equality in Youth Work, and the Bookmarks
manual, designed for educators working with young people aged 13
to 18 on hate speech online, including sexist hate speech and misogynistic
content in digital media.
91. Compass and Compasito, the Council of Europe's flagship human
rights education manuals for young people and children respectively,
address gender equality and media. The European Youth Foundation's Toolbox
on Gender Equality provides guidance for youth NGOs on integrating
a gender perspective in their activities, including the visual representation
of gender roles.
92. The 2017 Guidelines on integrating and mainstreaming gender
equality into the intercultural youth activities of the Council
of Europe and its partners, adopted by the Joint Council on Youth,
establish operational standards for all activities at the European
Youth Centres and for organisations funded by the European Youth Foundation.
These require that all visual representations used in youth work
activities, including social media, event materials and activity
reports, must not convey or reinforce stereotypical or discriminatory
views on gender, and that gender-neutral language is used consistently
in all communication.
93. The No Hate Speech Movement youth campaign (2013-2018), launched
at the initiative of youth representatives of the Joint Council
on Youth, mobilised hundreds of thousands of young people against
online hate speech, with sexist hate speech as a central focus.
94. In 2016, the Youth Department and the Gender Equality Unit
co-organised a Seminar on Combating Sexist Hate Speech at the European
Youth Centre in Strasbourg, bringing together youth activists, experts
and journalists from more than 30 countries. Among the measures
proposed, several were addressed directly to media organisations:
providing gender equality training for media professionals and editors,
supporting independent and feminist media, and monitoring sexist
hate speech in media and advertising. The seminar also drew attention
to the particular vulnerability of women journalists and women in
public life to sexist hate speech online.
95. The EU-Council of Europe Youth Partnership is actively developing
capacity in this area. A seminar on Supporting Young People's Critical
Thinking in a Digital Age, held in April 2026 as part of the Partnership's professional
development programme for youth workers, explores how youth work
can empower young people to engage critically with digital media
environments, including algorithmic design and artificial intelligence.
A support tool for youth workers is being developed as a concrete
output. The Youth Partnership's research on digitalisation, including
Youth Work and TECHLASH (2022) and Insights into Artificial Intelligence
and Its Impact on the Youth Sector (2024), provides an evidence
base for this work.
96. The Advisory Council on Youth has also contributed, through
its ongoing collaboration with the Gender Equality Commission (GEC),
to two instruments of direct relevance to this report: the Recommendation
on Accountability for Technology-Facilitated Violence against Women
and Girls, and the Recommendation on Equality and Artificial Intelligence,
both approved by the GEC and submitted to the Committee of Ministers
for adoption in late 2025. The GEC has explicitly recognised the
importance of intersecting the youth perspective with its work in
these areas, including through a joint youth event with the CCJ
in May 2025, the outcome document of which set out key actionable
strategies for integration into the future thematic and policy work
of the GEC.
6.2 The way forward
97. The Reference Framework on
a Youth Perspective, adopted by the 10th Ministerial
Conference in Valletta in October 2025, provides a concrete methodology
for integrating young people's needs and perspectives into policy
instruments.
98. Its main recommendations are: recognise young people as rights-holders
in media policy (young people are not only among those most affected
by gender stereotypes in media but also among the most active in challenging
them); call for age-disaggregated data on gender and media (gender-disaggregated
data on media content, online hate speech and technology-facilitated
violence are rarely broken down by age, making the specific situation
of young people largely invisible in research and monitoring), and
invest in non-formal education and youth work as delivery mechanisms
for media literacy.
99. The Reference Framework also calls for education that equips
young people to critically engage with gender stereotypes in digital
media. This is also feasible through non-formal education. These
approaches reach young people outside formal schooling and equip
youth workers to act as multipliers.
100. I appreciated that the contribution from the Youth Sector
is entirely in line with my stance on intersectionality, as it underlines
that gender-based discrimination in the media intersects with age,
ethnicity, disability, sexual orientation and gender identity, and
it adds that trans and non-binary young people face distinct and
often severe forms of stereotyping in the media.
101. Finally, it calls for support to civil society, youth organisations
and young people working in the media, arguing that civil society
groups, young women journalists and young people active in media
production, especially those who work on gender equality, need sustainable
institutional support. Once again, based on my professional experience,
I can only support this indication.
7 Ukraine's experience with platform
abuse during armed conflict
102. Ukrainian NGO Women in Media,
with which I had exchanges, analysed the specific features of gender stereotyping
and abusive use of social media by the Russian Federation in the
context of the war of aggression against Ukraine. This organisation
documented how platforms like TikTok and Meta have been weaponised through
targeted campaigns against female journalists, activists and public
figures, particularly those reporting on Russian atrocities, anti-corruption
issues or human rights violations. Key tactics include non-pornographic deepfakes
sexualising women journalists to discredit their work and deter
participation; systematic impersonation of verified accounts with
fake profiles spreading Russian propaganda and disinformation; doxing of
female reporters and LGBT+ organisations to enable stalking, threats
and physical persecution; and false copyright claims or "inauthentic
engagement" flags that swiftly remove time-sensitive war reporting
while leaving malicious content untouched for weeks.
103. These practices reveal how gender-based digital violence amplifies
wartime disinformation, with algorithms often failing to detect
context-specific misogyny, impersonation or slur words in Ukrainian
while prioritising automated restrictions on legitimate journalism
depicting weapons or conflict evidence. Women in Media called for
rapid-response channels for journalists, trusted flaggers programmes
enabling civil society input on local content policies, and contextual
exemptions from “restricted goods” rules to preserve atrocity documentation.
Their experience demonstrates that gender stereotyping in conflict
zones is not merely cultural but strategically deployed to silence
women’s voices, underscoring the urgency of platform accountability
and civil society partnerships in countering hybrid threats to democracy
and equality.
104. Evidence from Ukrainian and international sources indicates
that gender stereotypes and misogynistic narratives are deliberately
instrumentalised by the Russian Federation as part of broader disinformation
and hybrid warfare strategies. Such narratives are used to portray
women in public life as unreliable, immoral or unfit for leadership,
with the aim of undermining trust in institutions and weakening
democratic resilience.
105. These patterns demonstrate that, in situations of armed conflict,
gender stereotyping may be strategically deployed as a tool for
psychological pressure and information warfare, contributing to
intimidation, polarisation and the exclusion of women from public
and political participation.
Note
8 Conclusions
106. The preparation of this report
has led me to address a wide range of issues and to analyse the
role of a broad variety of actors, including journalists, newsrooms,
media regulators, large digital platforms and social media.
107. Despite progress in legislation and policy on gender equality,
and in spite of enhanced awareness of women’s rights, I believe
that considerable work still needs to be undertaken, both in terms
of analysis and awareness raising, to tackle gender stereotypes
in the media. The exchanges and research carried out for this report
suggest that not everyone understands how widespread these stereotypes
are in the media, or how harmful they are for women and society
at large. Based on this observation, when drafting the recommendations
contained in the draft resolution, I paid particular attention to
cultural measures, such as those concerning comprehensive sexuality
education, media literacy, and data collection and processing. Another
important part of the recommendations concerns the role of media
organisations themselves and of social media, as well as the need
to co-operate with them.
108. In addition to all the actors I have already mentioned, politicians
bear great responsibility and have a significant role to play in
this area: on the one hand as legislators and policymakers, and
on the other as active participants in communication and in the
media. In this capacity, they enjoy high visibility and should use
it to dismantle myths and traditional stereotypes, not to perpetuate
them.
109. The Assembly is best placed to indicate the way forward, building
on its considerable body of texts and activities on gender equality
and on culture and media, and thanks to its role as a forum for
discussion on human rights and equality, and as a laboratory for
new ideas.
